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Two tales of koklir you probably never heard of

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If we were to name one female ghost you should never mess with, the Iban folktale figure koklir is somewhere on top of our list.

Other ghosts such as pontianak or balan-balan are tame compared to the koklir, because they are known to kill men by taking their testicles.

What an unexpected way to die right?

According to Iban ethnologist Benedict Sandin, during ancient times it was alleged that many places around Kapuas river delta and especially the Pontianak river took their names from the koklir.

So where did this ghost come from?

It is believed that every unfortunate woman who dies during childbirth is converted into a koklir.

However, there is a way to prevent it from happening, which is by pricking the soles of the deceased’s feet with thorns of a citrus tree.

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A koklir might be hiding behind a tree waiting for her next victim. Credits: Pixabay
While there are plenty of stories of how koklir roam around looking for victims, here are two tales of this ghost you probably haven’t heard:
1.The widower and his only son

Long, long ago, there was a widower who lived in a farm hut with his only son.

One evening right before sunset, they went out in their boat to fish up the river.

All of a sudden, it started to rain. The father and son gave up fishing, coming ashore to take shelter in one of the huts they spotted from the river.

When they arrived at the hut, they found it was occupied by two lovely women. The women invited them in and lit a fire to keep them warm.

The women then prepared food for their guests. After they finished their meal, the widower continued to warm himself while his son sat naked near him.

At the sight of the boy’s testicles, one of the women said, “Hai wai wai! It’s the sweet stuff!”

Slowly, her nails appeared to grow sharper and longer. That moment, the father realised that the women were in fact koklir ghosts.

Without wasting a second, the father dragged his son out and they began to run for their lives. The koklir ghosts instantly started to chase them.

When the father arrived at their boat, he overturned it so that they could hide underneath it.

As the ghosts could not go into water, they jumped on top of the boat, boring through it with their sharp nails.

When the boat was about to be ripped open by their sharp nails, the sun began to rise and the koklir ghosts disappeared.

Despite the cold and shock, the widower and his son were grateful that they managed to make their escape.

2.The koklir and the enturun

There was once a newly married man and his wife who went to pay a traditional matrimonial visit to the bride’s house in a tradition called nyundang pinang.

In the middle of the journey, they were surprised by the sound of a koklir ghost. Terrified for their safety, they ran as fast as they could.

Since the man was the target, he climbed a tree to save himself while his wife sat down at the foot of the tree.

As she sat there, a young woman came to her and they started to chat.

While talking, the wife asked the woman if she could pick the lice from her hair.

After the woman agreed, the wife immediately start to pick the lice from the her hair.

While the woman was thus distracted, the husband climbed back down the tree and cut off her head.

It was a clean cut and she died instantly. Then the couple realised she was the “enturun”, a mystical creature that was said to be half bear and half cat.

Legend has it that to this day, koklir still lurk in the shadows at night looking for men’s testicles.

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An old Bidayuh punishment for murder before the death penalty

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If you are found guilty of murder today, the punishment is usually a life sentence in prison or the death penalty.

But how did Sarawakians in the olden days punish criminals who committed murder?

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What was the olden day Bidayuh punishment for committing a crime of murder?
Here is an example of Bidayuh punishment recounted by R. Nyandoh in The Sarawak Gazette on Sept 30, 1964:

Sharing the background of the murder case, Nyandoh wrote, “Mungang from Kampung Mayang in the Serian district married a woman from Kampung Engkaroh and they went to live at Mawang Mungang on the Krang river.”

After some time, the couple moved to Simpoh Rawih on the Jimun river. Mungang was a skilled craftsman, known for his talents for carving, boat-building and painting.

Additionally, he could make all kinds of knives and parangs. Even in the olden days haters were gonna hate, and Mungang was disliked by many of his relatives out of jealousy for his skills.

One day, two of his wife’s relatives, Bulo and his grandmother, came all the way from Kampung Engkaroh to visit the couple.

They asked Mungang to sharpen all their old knives, which he kindly did.

Before Bulo headed home, Mungang asked him to tell his two brother-in-laws not to visit him till the new paddy harvest. Due to the poor crop during the previous year, Mungang had no food to offer them if they came to visit.

Misinformation which led to a murder

However when Bulo returned to Kampung Engkaroh, he did not tell his brother-in-laws, Dibong and Bungan, the correct information.

In fact, he told the brothers that Mungang was getting his knives ready to fight them. Enraged, the brothers set to work to get their own weapons ready to defend themselves.

Several months later, Dibong and Bungan changed their plan. Instead of being on the defensive, they went on the offensive and decided to kill Mungang.

They went to their sister’s house, fixed on their intent to kill Mungang. When they arrived there, Dibong and Bungan found Mungang asleep in the bedroom.

Pushing past their own sister, the brothers stabbed Mungang to death.

The old Bidayuh punishment for murder

Mungang’s wife went back to her own village to report the crime to the headman of Kampung Engkaroh.

The headman then announced that the brothers Dibong and Bungan had to give her a list of items.

In the olden days, the headman of a village also served as a judge to settle any disputes among the villagers.

The fees and punishments for committing crimes might differ as they were according to the headman’s discretion.

As for the murder of Mungang, the headman of Kampung Engkaroh decided that these were the items needed to pay his wife as a punishment:

1.One large brass vessel to replace the head of her husband
2.One string of 30 small bells to replace his eyes
3.Four ounces of gold pieces for the teeth
4.Seven coils of different coloured silk thread to replace his hair
5.Two large silver plates for the ears
6.One large brass tray to replace the hat that belonged to her mother-in-law
7.One whole string of Bidayuh beads to replace her mother-in-law’s beads
8.Two large gongs to replace her husbands’ breasts
9.Two large cannons to replace his legs
10.One Iban loin cloth to replace the mother in-law’s nursing clothes
11.One large jar (Payan Rangkang) to replace his stomach
12.One large jar (Payan Eron) to replace the basket in which her husband had kept his soul

One top of these items, the two brothers also had to pay the woman two large round gongs called katawak and two small gongs called chanang.

They needed to pay her five kinds of jars namely payan botuh, payan lajur, payan jering, payan mandoh and tandok.

The woman, reportedly after receiving all these items from her brothers, left Kampung Engkaroh for good.

She went to live with her relatives in Kampung Ramun which now lies in Kalimantan, never to be heard from again.

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5 things you need to know about dragons in Iban folklore

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Despite being a mythical creature, the dragon appears in various folklore of many cultures around the world.

In Western culture, it is typically depicted as winged, horned, four-legged and capable of breathing fire.

Meanwhile, dragons in Eastern culture are usually wingless (but capable of flight) short-legged, serpentine creatures.

Would it be interesting to know that the dragon in Iban folklore is a bit of both worlds?

Here are at least five things you should know about dragons in Iban folklore:
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A dragon in Iban folklore has a luminous stone in the centre of its brow that works like a flashlight. Credits: Pixabay.
1.The physical appearance of a dragon in Iban folklore

According to an Iban legend, the dragon or naga is a huge snake with a horn protruding from its forehead.

Unlike its fellow dragons from other folklore, an Iban dragon has a luminous bezoar or gombala stone in the centre of its brow. It works like a flashlight for the dragon to lights its way at night.

It also has several pairs of wings, legs, arms, eyes and sharp claws and teeth.

2.There are two species of dragons.

According to Iban ethnologist Benedict Sandin, there are two species of dragons in Iban folklore. One species loves the water so it lives in the sea, pool or in the river. Meanwhile, another species prefer the mountain top.

The one which lives on the mountain top kills with its crested tail. It can also spit venom and breathe fire .

3.It is believed that a dragon protected the Ibans during the infamous Cholera expedition

Benedict wrote in The Sarawak Gazette on Nov 30, 1964, “It was said by the Ulu Ai Ibans during the Cholera Expedition against Penghulu Bantin of Delok in 1902, before the arrival of the Government forces at the mouth for Delok river in the upper Batang Ai, that they saw a huge dragon track going down from the hill to the river. During the following night Bantin had a dream. He dreamt that he met a huge dragon which told him not to worry about the enemy as he (the dragon) would fight for him.”

Eventually, one fifth of the 10,000 men recruited to fight the alleged rebels died of Cholera hence the name ‘Cholera Expedition’.

4.A dragon also helped fight the Japanese during World War II

When an Iban leader, the late Temenggong Koh fought against the Japanese during World War II, he gave offerings to the dragon god seeking its protection.

Benedict shared, “It was due to this that whenever the late Temenggong Koh was worried by the enemy he would throw an offering into the river to appeal for immediate help from his dragon god. He did this during the fighting against the Japanese soldiers at the own of Song during liberation days in 1945.”

5.There is a guardian dragon cited in a mourning song

In the olden days, according to Benedict, the Iban believed that whenever a person died in this world, thousands of their relatives who died before them will come from the other world to fetch their soul to live with them in Mandai Mati.

“On their way to Mandai Mati, on reaching the Pintu Tanah (Door to Earth) which separates this world from the next, a guardian dragon is mentioned in the following mourning song,” he added.

Here is the English translation of the song:

Then spoke the maiden Simba
Who, when she died was transformed into a hawk
“Where are you maiden Jawai
Who wears a single red pelaga stone,
And you maiden Iyak,
Who is lively and gay?
Please open the door of the dragon snake;
The door of red soil;
So that we can have a way to return to our country,
In the forest full of small mango trees;
With flowers all upside down.

We have no time!
Replied the dragon snake,
Because we are doing most important work,
Having been asked by Pungga and Laja,
To weave for them coloured petticoats,
Which they will wear on a short expedition,
To the mouth of the Kantu river
If they return from thence,
They will bring for us two lumps
Of precious (gombala) stones,
As big as areca nuts.

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How a Chinese magician brought crocodiles to Sarawak and other tales

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When it comes to legends related to crocodiles in Sarawak, most people will remember the story of Bujang Senang.

It was a 20-foot long saltwater crocodile that once roamed the river of Batang Lupar in Sri Aman.

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The narrower part of Batang Lupar river near Engkilili town.

Bujang Senang was believed to have swum in that river as early as 1942. (Saltwater crocodiles can have long lifespans, averaging 70 years and even up to 100.)

There is no exact number of how many had fallen into its prey, but after killing a woman in Sungai Pelaban, a tributary of Batang Lupar on May 20, 1992, it was shot to death after two more deaths later.

Some legends have it that Bujang Senang was an incarnation of an Iban warrior named Simalungun who was killed and cursed to turn into a crocodile. Seeking vengeance, he vowed to kill the descendants of those responsible for his death.

The legend of how crocodiles came to be in Sarawak

Among his accounts of how to go crocodile fishing or hunting them by torch light, J.Leong Ipoi, a Kenyah from Baram, relates a legend in the Sarawak Gazette on Aug 31, 1965 of how crocodiles first came to Sarawak.

Apparently, many years ago, there were no crocodiles found in this country.

Then came a Chinese magician named Sam Pa Kong, who brought one crocodile with him “because he did not find any fierce and wild animals here.”

He had packed the animal inside a mosquito net, which made it furious as it could not see anything.

“On arrival Sam Pa Kong set free the animal. That is why until the present time, people dare not wash their mosquito nets in the river. If they do, a crocodile will attack them,” Leong wrote.

He continued, “During many years, the Chinese said crocodiles in the Baram never attacked the Chinese because the Chinese had set the animal free.”

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The saltwater crocodile is one of the crocodile species found in Sarawak.
Before there were crocodiles, there were water ghosts

Leong also shared a story of how water ghosts and other wild animals existed before there were crocodiles in Sarawak waters.

These water ghosts were more dangerous than crocodiles.

He wrote, “They used to take children or adults into the water while they were swimming. They did not take people for food. Instead, they only wanted to kill, most of the dead bodies recovered were still in proper condition.”

Then came a man who gave the villagers an idea of how to get rid of these dangerous ghosts.

He asked the villagers to plant chillies, ginger, tuba and other plants which could sting and give off a biting heat.

After harvesting these plants, he told them to pound them together.

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Signage to warn visitor about crocodiles at Engkilili.

Under the man’s instruction, the villagers loaded the pounded vegetables onto the boats. At the right place, everyone capsized the boats, dumping their loads.

“This caused the fish to come out of the water including the water ghosts because their eyes could not stand it. Many of the ghosts escaped to the river bank. Some of them looked like human beings, with long finger nails, some had animal bodies but human heads; others with long hair around their bodies and also long teeth,” Leong stated.

Here comes the gruesome part of this legend; the villagers started to run after them, chopping off their heads.

Since then, only a few water ghosts are said to have survived the skirmish, but are no longer a danger to human beings.

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Saltwater crocodile. Credits: Pixabay

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How did Bintulu get its name?

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Located in the central region of Sarawak, Bintulu was just a small village when James Brooke acquired it from the Brunei Sultanate in 1861.

Like most settlements ceded to Brooke, the first thing he did was build a fort in the area. In Bintulu, the Brooke government built a wooden fort name Fort Keppel named after the White Rajah’s friend Sir Henry Keppel.

In 1867, the first Sarawak Council Negri or General Council meeting was convened in Bintulu.

One of the earliest descriptions about Bintulu was written by Italian botanist Odoardo Beccari.

He arrived in Kemena River on Aug 13, 1867 using a gunboat named ‘Heartsease’.

After arriving in Bintulu, this was what he had to say about the town.

The fort of Bintulu which was built entirely of wood, was in somewhat ruinous condition. It stood nearly on the sea-shore, and just behind it, at a distance of few paces, the primeval forests commence.

Some chinamen had settled at the vicinity of the fort and had built a small bazaar; but the village is chiefly formed by the houses of the Melanau beyond the Chinese kampong (village).

These Melanaus used to live further up the river, but since the construction of the fort, and the installation of an officer of the Rajah near the mouth of the river, they came to settle near the sea – a thing they would never have dared to do in former days for fear of the attacks of the Lanun pirates and Dayak pirates.

Even during the 19th century, the area was known as Bintulu but how did the name come about?

Here are four legends on how Bintulu got her name:

Sarawak Legislative Assembly
In 1867, Kingdom of Sarawak’s first General Council meeting was held in Bintulu, making it the earliest legislative system in Malaysia. Today, a clock tower and a centenary stone remain as a reminder of where the meeting took place. 
1.Bintulu people had elongated heads?

One legend has it that in the olden days, Bintulu people had elongated heads. According to Chang Pat Foh in Legends and History of Sarawak, ‘bat’ means long and ‘ulau’ means head. Hence the name ‘bat ulau’ before the name Bintulu came about.

2.It was a place for drying skulls after headhunting

Additionally, Chang related another legend about Bintulu when headhunting was still a common practice.

The locals referred to headhunting as ‘milai’ while the process of drying and smoking the skull was called ‘betak’ in the local Melanau language.

There used to be site known as a place for drying the skulls in Bintulu where the locals called it ‘betak ulau’ or head drying place.

As time passed, the place’s name ‘betak ulau’ slowly evolved to Bintulu today.

3.A place to pick up skulls after headhunting

The third legend centered around headhunting. The act of picking up heads after headhunting was called ‘mentu ulau’. Sooner or later, people started to call the area ‘Mentulau’.

When the Brooke officials came, they allegedly interpreted the word ‘mentulau’ into ‘Bintulu’.

4.A place where sea and water mixed

“The fast running water from Sungai Jelalong and Sungai Tubau which flows into South China Sea mixes with the river water from Batang Kemana at the mouth of the river.

“Long ago, the people who stayed at Muara Batang Kemena gave the name ‘Ba Tulau’ to the place where they stayed. ‘Ba’ in Melanau Bintulu dialect means water whereas ‘tula’ means mixing. Hence, ‘Ba Tulau’ mean ‘mixing water,” Chang wrote.

Pasar Malam Bintulu
Bintulu Night Market

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Enjoying the Traditional Food Festival in Lanjak, West Kalimantan

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Food has always been the best way to become familiar with a place, culture and its people, so I tried to sample every dish during the Traditional Food Festival held in Lanjak, West Kalimantan.

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From 14 to 15 September, an Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi organised a traditional food festival in Lanjak.

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This year marked the sixth year the food festival had been organised for the community of Lanjak by Riak Bumi.  

The two-day festival saw 23 groups participating in the cooking competition as they competed to prepare the best traditional dishes on the first day.

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During the cooking competition, the participants were required to cook traditional food without using artificial flavouring. This included commercial sugar and even regular cooking oil.

Instead, they used natural flavouring and ingredients such as palm sugar and tengkawang oil for their cooking.

As Lanjak is located about 40 minutes drive from the Lubok Antu border, some of the dishes in our neighboring country bore some similarities to Sarawakian cuisine as well.

With a smorgasbord of food laid out, here are some of the dishes that I managed to sample that everyone should try when visiting Lanjak.

Wajit
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This sweet sticky rice snack seems too pretty to be eaten.

Wajit is a popular traditional Indonesian sticky sweet rice snack. It is made of glutinous rice, regular rice, palm sugar, coconut milk and pandan leaves. Typically, after wajit is cooked, it will be spread onto a baking tray and cut into diamond shapes. However, wajit can be molded into any shape that you fancy!

Grilled venison
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Grilled venison

In Lanjak, the local communities still hunt for food. This includes fish, toads and even deer. During the traditional food festival, I had the opportunity to try venison straight off the grill. Yum!

Ants
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‘Kesa’ is the local name for these ants.

In Southeast Asian countries, eating insects is a norm and Borneo is no exception. At the traditional food festival in Lanjak, one of the most fascinating dishes to be served were fried fire ants (kesa). For those who have never had them before, fried ants have a sour and tangy taste and not surprisingly, a crunchy texture.

Lakum
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    This deep purple beverage mixed with honey has a sweet taste
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    Lakum fruits

This sweet purple beverage is made up of lakum fruit mixed with honey. Lakum fruits looks like exactly like a blueberry.

Rice cooked in pitcher plant
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    Rice cooked in pitcher plant
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    The rice is stuff inside the pitcher plant before steamed

Nasi pok yok is rice cooked in pitcher plants. When steaming the rice, no artificial flavouring is added as natural flavour from the pitcher plant will seep to the rice. This dish is prepared by stuffing rice and some water into the pitcher plant and steaming it until the rice is fluffy.

Kolak
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Sweet and milky tapioca pearls kolak dessert

Tapioca kolak (kolak ubi) is a type of Indonesian dessert made with coconut milk, palm sugar and pandan leaf. Generally, kolak comes in different variations such as banana, pumpkin, sweet potatoes and jackfruits. It is said that kolak is a popular sweet during Ramadan.

Lulun Kucai
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Chives cooked in bamboo

In Sarawak, kucai (or chives) is usually cooked with egg or chopped garlic. However, during the traditional food festival in Lanjak, I discovered an interesting way of cooking them – inside a bamboo.

Dishes cooked in bamboo
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    Pansoh ikan seladang
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    Pansoh ayam kampong
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    Pansoh kancil

Speaking of bamboo, the traditional food festival in Lanjak would not be complete without “pansuh”. “Pansuh” means cooked in bamboo. From chicken to fish and even deer, any type of meat will taste great cooked in bamboo.

Fish umai
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    Umai made from raw fish, citrus fruit and bunga kecala
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    Buah kandi is used instead of lime

The fish umai in West Kalimantan is also similar to those enjoyed in Sarawak. Generally, the ingredients used for this dish are mostly similar, only instead of lime, they substitute it witha a citrus fruit called ‘buah kandi’ for its acidic and sour taste.

Jarete
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    This cookie like snack has a light rice scent and hard texture
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    Jarete that has been heated in pan are mold into cylindrical shape

This rice dish is a mixture of glutinous rice with regular rice. To prepare this dish, the rice is mixed and soaked in water. They are then ground with palm sugar and fry in a pan until they turn reddish brown. After that, the rice can easily be shaped into a cylindrical form using hand. It has a mild roasted rice scent to it and a hard, brittle texture.

Labu srikaya  
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Labu srikaya is a sweet and savoury dish

This Instagram-worthy dish has a savoury, sweet and milky taste. This dish is prepared by cutting a hole on top of a whole pumpkin and scoop out the flesh. To prepare this dish, a mixture of coconut milk, pandan leaves, palm sugar and eggs are poured into the pumpkin mould and steamed.

Selukung
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Selukung is prepared by inserting rice into palm leaves shaped into triangle

This dish is a traditional Kenyah dish. It is basically glutinous rice cooked in wild palm leaves and folded into triangles.

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How did rubber plantations become part of rural Sarawak?

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In Malaysian history class, we learned that rubber plantations in the country was promoted by an Englishman named Henry Nicholas Ridley (1855-1956).

He was a botanist, naturalist, and geologist who spent most of his time in Singapore.

His career on this side of the globe started in 1888. He applied and was selected the first director of Gardens and Forests in the Straits Settlements.

Before he made his way here, he was to meet Italian botanist Odoardo Beccari to prepare for his new job.

After reaching Singapore, Ridley was in charge of introducing new plants of economical value to the region. Against popular belief, he was not the first person to introduce rubber to this part of the world as it was already introduced 10 years earlier by Sir Hugh Low.

However, he did establish the taping method for harvesting latex. He was also the one who heavily promoted rubber plantations in Malaya.

He was so passionate in promoting rubber planting that he was always stuffing rubber seeds into the pockets of everyone he met, with hopes that they would plant the seeds. That was how he earned the nickname “Mad Ridley”.

The first rubber tree planted in Sarawak was in the Anglican bishop’s garden in Kuching
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Rubber trees are tapped for their resins. Credits: Pixabay

While we learned a lot of Malaysian history in school, we only know a little about Sarawak’s own history with the rubber tree.

Ridley might not have been the one who promoted rubber in Sarawak as vigorously as he did in Malaya, but he did provide a written account of rubber planting in the state.

In September 1905, Ridley wrote an article which was published in the Agricultural Bulletin of the Straits Settlements.

He stated, “It would now be interesting to hear from the present Custodians of the gardens mentioned if the trees are still in existence, and to what girth they have attained at the sere and yellow age of 39 years.”

According to Ridley’s account, the first rubber trees planted in Sarawak were from seeds imported from the Botanic Gardens, Singapore. Reverend Bishop George Frederick Hose brought them in 1881. Bishop Hose was the uncle of Marudi resident, ethnologist and botanist Charles Hose.

He further stated, “One of these trees is still standing in the Bishop’s garden at Kuching and two more in the garden of the Resident. The former measures 6 feet 4 inches in girth at three feet from the ground and the others are nearly as large. The remainder of the trees have disappeared.”

The first rubber plantation in Sarawak

Ridley actually visited Sarawak four times, in 1903, 1904, 1914 and 1915. During his visits, Mad Ridley could not help but go out and see the rubber plantations.

The first rubber plantation he visited was the Coffee Estate on the slopes of Mount Matang. There, they planted the rubber trees together with coffee, tea and Mauritius hemp.

However according to Ridley, the rubber trees were in bad condition. Although the trees were five years old, they looked like the size of two-year-old trees.

“Many of the trees had fallen, others remained as dead stumps, or if alive bore only a few struggling leafy branches. Round Kuching, in the cemetery and along the roads, a good many para rubber trees have been planted lately, and seem to be doing fairly well, though it is too soon yet to form an opinion of them.”

Based on Ridley’s observation of rubber planting in Sarawak, the soils were too sandy.

“The greater part of the hills of Sarawak, at least that portion which I have seen, are sandstone or limestone, and a great area of the diluvium of the lower country is therefore very sandy. But the Lundu hills which I visited are granite, compose of a fine-grained granite. The soil here is less sandy and more argillacuous, with sandy mounds or small hills scattered about it. This seemed to be the most suitable ground for para rubber I saw in Sarawak. Another likely spot is long the Kucing river near Santubong, I had not time to visit this, but head that somewhere here Chinese were planting para rubber.

The first rubber export in Sarawak and the Rubber Boom
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Natural rubber sheets in drying priocess. Credits: Pixabay.

Based on a report from 1962, the first rubber was exported from Sarawak in 1910.

When the world price of rubber hit historic highs during that decade (the first time in 1905-1906, followed by another boom in 1909-1910), Sarawak got hit by rubber fever.

Then Simanggang Resident AB Ward observed in his memoirs that 1911-1912 were the Planting Eras, as “Natives caught the rubber infection badly. Malays planted all the land they could. Dyaks followed suit, and rubber banished all thoughts of tribal warfare and headhunting.”

Professor Rob Cramb in Land and longhouse: Agrarian Transformation in the Uplands of Sarawak describes how the Saribas Iban took advantage of the money-making opportunity in rubber.

“Initially it was the wealthier Iban communities with a large land base and an accumulated surplus from the gutta and coffee booms which embarked on rubber planting.”

He also cites examples of early enterprising farmers like Tuai Rumah Budin in Stambak, who planted over 4,000 seedlings his son Lumpoh brought back from Singapore, and Penghulu Saang who planted his rubber in Pelandok in the Paku branch of the Saribas in 1912.

Although the price of rubber fell sharply after 1910, it nonetheless became the main agricultural export of the country until the late 1960s.

Unlike Malaya and other rubber producing countries, the kingdom was relatively late in establishing rubber plantations, as the Brookes favoured smallholders and were reluctant to give indigenous farmland to European companies.

During Charles Brooke’s reign, only five large rubber estates were established.

By 1941 before the World War II, there were 236,557 acres of rubber plantations in Sarawak.

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Tengkawang Oil, the Butter from Nature

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During a traditional food festival in Lanjak in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, no preservative or artificial flavouring such as MSG was used in any of the dishes. This also includes the oil they used for cooking which was substituted with tengkawang oil.

  • The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
    The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
  • The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
    The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
  • The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
    The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
  • The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi
    The traditional food festival was held at Lanjak, West Kalimantan from September 14-15 and was organised by Indonesian community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) NGO, Riak Bumi

Known to many as the butter from nature or green butter, tengkawang oil is extracted from the fruit of tengkawang trees.

Tengkawang fruit or the Borneo shallow nut is a native fruit species that can be found in the jungles of Borneo.

However, West Kalimantan, Indonesia is particularly known for its tengkawang oil as it is still widely used by the locals.

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Tengkawang oil, also known as green butter, is made from the fruit of the tengkawang tree which can be commonly found in the tropical jungles of Borneo.

In both Sarawak and Kalimantan, tengkawang fruits are collected by the locals where it will then be processed into oil.

While tengkawang can be found in the jungle, there are some people who actually grow the trees at their farm.

Tengkawang is known as “engkabang” among the Iban people, and “kakawang” among the Embaloh people.

The tree will usually bear fruit once every five years, although there are places in Kalimantan that bear fruits once a year.

In Lanjak, the locals will usually collect tengkawang fruit sometime around February.

According to the locals, the trees will usually bear fruits at the beginning of the year during the rainy season. The trees are typically found near water sources such as the river.  

Usually locals will collect and process it for their own household consumption, although now most have began to commercialize the oil.

However, when picking these fruits, those that have fallen off the tree and started sprouting should not be used.

This is because when processed, they will taste differently. Apart from that, the oil will also be green instead of the usual bright yellow hue.

To process the fruits into oil, the fruits are first separated from the shell and dried under the sun.

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The dried tengkawang fruits before being ground into powder

This process might take up to a few days to a week before they are ground into powder.

  • Dried tengkawang fruit being ground into powder.
    Dried tengkawang fruit being ground into powder.
  • The ground tengkawang fruit.
    The ground tengkawang fruit.

After that, the powder is then placed in a steamer filled with water for about an hour.

However, the time may vary, depending on the amount of tengkawang powder being steamed at a time.

The lesser the amount of tengkawang powder being steamed at a time, the less time is spent steaming it.

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The tengkawang powder is placed in a steamer for about an hour

Then, after some time, the steamed powder is taken out to be pressed by a manual oil press machine expeller to produce a glossy, pale yellow liquid.

  • The oil is extracted from the powder by hand through an oil press machine expeller.
    The oil is extracted from the powder by hand through an oil press machine expeller.
  • What comes out from the extractor is a glossy, pale yellow fluid.
    What comes out from the extractor is a glossy, pale yellow fluid.

Before the machine, the locals would extract the oil using a wooden device called an “apit”.

The dregs or the remains of the tengkawang powder is not discarded but used as fodder and fertilizer.

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The remains can be used as fodder or fertilizer

At room temperature, it will take about three days for the tengkawang oil to solidify, although it will be much quicker using a refrigerator.

Once solidified, tengkawang oil can be stored in containers and be kept for up to more than a year.

However, according to locals, the oil can also be stored in bamboo to ensure a longer storage period.

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Tengkawang oil is usually stored in bamboo to ensure longer storage period

Local people will usually use tengkawang oil for cooking and baking.  

So instead of the usual cooking vegetable or palm oil that we use for cooking, you might consider substituting it with tengkawang oil. You can even substitute butter with tengkawang oil when baking.

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Tengkawang oil used for cooking

On warm rice, the locals will usually press tengkawang to give the rice an aromatic nutty flavour and scent.

It is said that tengkawang oil is preferred over liquid oil when cooking in the jungle as it is more convenient.

Unlike typical oil, tengkawang oil is easier to carry and you would not have to worry about it spilling.

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Example of commercial products using tengkawang oil

Apart from that, tengkawang oil has also been used in cosmetic products such as lipstick and make up foundation due to it moisturising properties. It has also been used to make chocolate, bar soap, medicine, cream, lotion, hair conditioner, sunscreen and as a margarine substitute.

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The Dayak-Madurese conflicts in Kalimantan, and what led up to them

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Even as a kid growing up in Malaysia, particularly Sarawak, there’s a big chance you might have heard about the bloody interracial conflicts going on in Kalimantan between their native Dayak groups and the Madurese people.

The Dayak-Madurese conflicts caught the attention of international media during the late 90s and early 2000s, with coverage on the massacres featured in The Washington Post and The Guardian, among others.

To begin looking back at these events, we have to start with the transmigration programme.

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A Dayak Iban longhouse in West Kalimantan.
What was the transmigration programme?

Started by the Dutch colonial government, the transmigration programme was an initiative to move landless people from densely populated areas of Indonesia to less populous areas of the country.

This included moving people permanently from Java, Bali and Madura to less densely populated areas like Papua, Kalimantan, Sumatra and Sulawesi.

It was first started in the early 19th century to reduce overcrowding as well as to provide labour for plantations in Sumatra.

Then the Dutch colonial government demolished the programme during the end of its rule. However, the Indonesian government brought back the programme following Indonesian independence.

The rise of the Dayak-Madurese conflicts

The Madurese started to migrate into Borneo in the 1930s, so there had been Madurese people living in Borneo for about 70 years until these conflicts started.

Several reasons have been put forward to explain the violence between these two communities.

Most scholars and observers had perceived that ethnic tensions had long been simmering.

In an article published by non-profit organisation Cultural Survival, Rachel Leff explained that due to the 32-year authoritarian rule of President Suharto, the conflicts were kept in check for fear of military intervention.

Leff added, “When Suharto was forced from his office in Indonesia, old animosities erupted in violence.”

Besides this, there is another reason which triggered the interracial riots. This is an explanation popular among Indonesians. The outbreaks were reportedly provoked by supporters of Suharto who planned to undermine the democratic elections slated for June 7, 1999.

The third explanation behind the conflicts is the economic crisis affecting the country. In the second half of 1997, Indonesia was the country hardest hit by the Asian economic crisis.

Facing financial difficulties, both Dayaks and Malays blamed the Madurese for stealing jobs from them.

According to Huub de Jonge and Gerben Nooteboom who made a study of the ethnic clashes in Kalimantan, the Madurese had become better off economically because of their attitude to work.

The scholars wrote, “The Madurese tended to accept any available work; for example, they were willing to collect garbage in the cities and break up rocks for the construction of roads. They would do anything to work their way up. Used as they were to hard work and saving, they were often more successful than others in similar work. And this frequently led to amazement and jealousy among other ethnic groups.”

The Sambas Riots

One of the major Dayak-Madurese conflicts happened in Sambas district of West Kalimantan province in 1999.

Before this, the last major conflicts had occurred between December 1996 and January 1997.

During these riots, Madurese were mutilated, raped and killed by aggressors from the Malay and Dayak communities while the government did little to stop the violence.

The Sampit Conflict

Just like the Sambas Riots, the Sampit conflict in 2001 was not an isolated incident. The last major conflict occurred between December 1996 and January 1997.

The conflict in Sampit broke out on Feb 18, 2001 when two Madurese were attacked by the Dayaks. It resulted in more than 500 deaths with over 100,000 Madurese displaced from their homes.

There is no one version why this conflict broke out. One version claims the riot was caused by an arson attack on a Dayak house. Then rumours spread that the Madurese caused the fire leading a group of Dayaks to burn houses in a Madurese neighbourhood.

Meanwhile, a professor from Dayak People’s Association claimed that the massacres by the Dayaks were in self defence.

He specifically cited an incident in which a Dayak was tortured and killed by a gang of Madurese following a gambling dispute in Kerengpangi on Dec 17, 2000.

Meanwhile, another version claims that the conflict started in a brawl between students of different races at the same school.

The Dayak also decapitated at least 300 Madurese during the Sampit conflict.

In the end, the conflict resulted in more than 500 deaths with over 100,000 Madurese displaced from their homes.

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A Dayak longhouse in Kalimantan. Credits: Pixabay.
Violence fueled by spirit possession?

Besides the long history of headhunting among the Dayak community, another theory behind the level of violence in these conflicts is that it is influenced by local cultural patterns. Researcher Anika Konig from University of Lubeck in Germany pointed out one element of these local cultural patterns is spirit possession.

Based on research in a Kanayatn Dayak village in the conflict region, many of them there claimed spirit possession had played a central role in the riots.

Konig stated, “While possession by spirits in ordinary life is highly undesirable and dangerous situation which causes illness, possession was actively sought by the Dayaks who participated in the violence against the Madurese.”

According to the Dayaks, spirit possession awarded them with supernatural abilities and extraordinary strength.

Konig also noted, “Since the spirits’ favourite food is human flesh and blood, it was this that the spirits demanded from the warriors in return for their help. And it was, accordingly, the spirits who made the men perform these forms of violence.”

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A Dayak man from Kalimantan in warrior attire. Credits: Pixabay.
Why the Madurese?

The transmigration program had led the migration into Borneo from other ethnic groups such as the Javanese. But why were the Madurese targeted?

de Jonge and Nooteboom who interviewed many Dayak, Malay, Buginese and Banjarese informants, said that these people believed that the Madurese immigrants had not adapted to their new social environment and had a tendency to look down on others.

“Their behaviour is said to be arrogant, short-tempered, macho-like, rude, uncivilised, unfair, avaricious and revengeful.”

In the meantime, many of the Madurese born in Kalimantan blamed this negative image on newcomers.

They claimed that the newcomers from Madura did not know how to behave. Furthermore, some of the newcomers were reportedly members of criminal gangs involved in illegal logging, operating brothels and gambling dens. Some of them even smuggled consumer goods from Sarawak into the country.

Were the Madurese used as a scapegoat?

Again, why the Madurese? Firstly, de Jonge and Nooteboom pointed out that there was evidence that there were economical competitions among the Malays, Dayak and Madurese, particularly in terms of agricultural resources.

However, the competition, especially in West Kalimantan where most of the violence occurred, was not restricted to the economic field.

During the Suharto years, the Dayak and to a lesser degree, Malays had to hand over powerful positions in the provincial bureaucracy to civil servants (often Javanese) from outside Kalimantan.

Furthermore, huge tracts of land in Kalimantan were sold for oil palm, mining and other activities, as industrial-scale efforts to cultivate and develop the land for commercial purposes were implemented, leading to the 1997 Indonesian forest fires (reputed to be the worst in known history) and the Southeast Asian Haze.

On top of having their traditional territory appropriated by outsiders for large scale projects, the Dayaks were reportedly not compensated adequately for their land which was the source of their livelihood and survival.

With all these factors against them, de Jonge and Nooteboom believed that the Madurese were picked as a scapegoat.

“They were a small, controversial and vulnerable group, whose comings and goings incited resentment, who were involved in a series of both small and larger violent incidents, and about whom negative stereotypes abounded.”

Although the Madurese differences to other ethnic groups were largely imagined, they formed a fertile basis on which to continue the violence.

Like any riots in everywhere in the world, once the violence begins, nobody can really pinpoint a single cause for the conflict.

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The Mandor Affair, the massacres in West Kalimantan during WWII

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On June 28, 1944, a horrendous war crime was committed in a quiet village called Mandor in West Kalimantan, Indonesia during World War II (WWII).

While some historians believed the number of victims were 21,037, other records stated about 1,000 people died during the massacre.

Although the official death toll is still in dispute, nobody can deny that hundreds were killed by Japanese officials on that day.

The Background of The Mandor Affair

The Mandor Affair is in fact part of two massacres called The Pontianak Incidents which took place in West Kalimantan during the Japanese Occupation of the Dutch East Indies.

The whole incident happened in 1943-1944 when the Japanese decided to arrest the Malay elites, Arabs, Javanese, Dayaks, Bugis, Bataks, Menadonese, Dutch, Chinese, Indians and Eurasians in Kalimantan.

Despite the racial differences, those who were arrested had a few things in common. They were mostly community leaders, intellectual and educated people, lawyers, doctors, journalists, politicians, religious leaders and royal members of various Sultanates in Kalimantan.

According to the book Chinese Indonesians: Remembering, Distorting, Forgetting by Tim Lindsey and Helen Pausacker, from January until June in 1944, trucks picked up people by night, either from their homes or from the prisons. They were all taken secretly to Mandor, a quiet village located 95 kilometers northeast of Pontianak.

Many did not know what were the fates of these people until early July 1944. The then local Japanese official newspaper, Borneo Shimbun (Pontianak edition) reported that those who were arrested, were tried and executed on June 28, 1944 in Mandor for plotting to overthrow Japanese rule.

The Japanese reportedly beheaded them one by one before burying them in ten mass graves in the forest near the village.

Meanwhile, other accounts reported they were all buried alive in several large holes. Most were probably weak due to illnesses and diseases after a period of internment and were too weak to fight their way out from being buried alive.

The victims of The Mandor Affair

The question now is how did the number 21,037 come about?

Lindsey and Pausacker wrote that the number 21, 037 was allegedly recorded in war documents kept in the libraries of Japanese universities after WWII.

It is believed that the number was in connection with the kidnapping, torture and massacre by the Japanese troops all over Pontianak, not just in Mandor.

Whatever the real death toll was, what was certain was that the Mandor Affair took the life of up to 25 aristocrats of Pontianak sultanate including its 74-year-old sultan, Sharif Mohamed Alkadri.

The Japanese named him as the one of the ringleaders in the alleged planned rebellion.

They also killed the heir to the Sultan, 31-year-old Pangeran Adipati.

Besides the Sultan of Pontianak, the Japanese also executed the Sultans of Sambas, Ketapang, Soekadana, Simbang, Koeboe, Sanggau, Sekadau, Tajan, Singtan, and Mempawa.

Unfortunately, the timeline of their deaths is still unclear.

Who was responsible for the Mandor Affair?

Indonesian writers Syafaruddin Usman and Isnawita Din wrote in their book Peristiwa Mandor Berdarah claimed Syuutizitiyo Minseibu was responsible for the Mandor Affair.

But there were no records after WWII if he was ever held responsible for the massacre.

Someone, however, did actually pay the price for the Pontianak Incidents.

Daigo Tadashige
Marquis Tadashige Daigo

After the end of WW2, vice admiral Marquis Tadashige Daigo in the Imperial Japanese Navy was extradited to Batavia in the Dutch East Indies and was found guilty in a closed military tribunal for crimes that occurred during the Pontianak Incidents.

He was executed with a rifle shot to the stomach on Dec 6, 1947.

As the commander of submarine forces, he was based at Balikpapan since late 1943. Hence, whether he was fully aware of the doings of his junior staff thousands of kilometers away in Pontianak, remained unclear due to the secrecy of his trial.

In 2007, the local Indonesian government had declared June 28 as an official mourning day for West Kalimantan Province (Hari Berkabung Daerah Provinsi Kalimantan Barat) to remember those who died in Mandor.

A memorial was elected at the massacre site and it is now known named as Juang Mandor Graves.

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Makam Juang Mandor or Juang Mandor graves. Credits: Indonesian Tourism Board.

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