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A curious case of sleep hollow in Bintangor in 1937

The Sarawak Gazette has published many eyebrow-raising stories since its first publication in 1870.

Most of these incidents took place in Sarawak while others happened in other countries.

One of the strange incidents that was reported in the gazette took place in May 1937.

The headline of the report was “Asleep for a Week”. Is it possible for a person to sleep for one whole week?

Under certain circumstances, it is possible. The medical term for it is sleep hollow, not Sleepy Hollow (Tim Burton’s gothic supernatural horror).

The only known case of sleep hollow was reported in the remote village of Kalachi in Kazakhstan. The first case was reported in March 2013, after which the disease disappeared for some time before re-emerging in mid-2015.

Kazakh officials later discovered the disease was caused by carbon monoxide, along with other hydrocarbons as a result of flooding of an abandoned Soviet-era uranium mine nearby. These gases spread into the village air, causing sleep hollow among the villagers.

Kazakhstan may not have been the only place where sleep hollow has occurred.

Here is the report about a possible case of sleep hollow published in the Sarawak Gazette in July, 1937:

On May 1st, it was reported in Binatang (today Bintangor) that Sa’at bin Taha, master of the sailing vessel Mas Melayu, had mysteriously disappeared and his ship left Binatang for the coast without him.

An intensive search was made but no trace of him could be found, and it was generally agreed that he had tired of a seafaring life and had decided to retire into solitude on shore.

Great was the astonishment of the people of Binatang, therefore, when on May 7, Sa’at was found asleep in a sago godown.

After some minutes of strenuous effort the manager of the sago factory succeeded in awaking him. When he had been revived by copious draught of milk and broth, he immediately demonstrated a creditable sense of duty by enquiring where his ship was.

He was told that it had sailed a week ago, but he patiently explained to his dull-witted audience that this was impossible, as he had disembarked and visited the bazaar with one of the sailors on the previous evening.

It is firmly believed in Binatang, that Sa’at bin Taha had been asleep for a week.

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Can Sa’at be considered suffering from sleep hollow? Is it possible that the sailor accidentally inhaled some carbon monoxide? We might never know.

Rowan Waddy and his experience as a Semut Operative in Sarawak

Operation Semut was a series of reconnaissance operations that took place in Sarawak.

It was carried out by Australia’s Z Special Unit in 1945 during the final days of World War II (WWII).

Altogether, there were four operations were undertaken under Operation Semut.

Their main objectives? To gather intelligence and to train the indigenous people in launching guerrilla warfare against the Japanese.

Commando! The M/Z Unit’s Secret War Against Japan (1996) is a book compiled and edited by A.B. Feuer.

The book is a compilation of stories from Australian commandos who fought against the Japanese in Borneo during WW2.

In it, readers can find an interesting story of Australian Lieutenant Rowan Waddy and his experience in Sarawak. He was a part of Operation Semut IVB.

From Aug 13 to 23, 1945, Semut IVB sailed out of Labuan via HMAS Tigersnake and moored at Mukah. Together with Lieutenant Ron Hoey, Waddy paddled Hoehn folboats (collapsible canoes) journeyed along the Mukah river to engage any remaining hostile Japanese groups.

They continued to work in Sarawak until October 1945 to secure the surrender of remaining Japanese troops.

HMAS Tiger Snake
HMAS Tiger Snake. Public Domain.

Rowan Waddy on working with local guerrillas

Here, Waddy had the opportunity to work with the locals, especially the Ibans.

Commenting about them, Waddy stated, “The Ibans are a paradox. Despite their warrior reputation, they are a happy, fun-loving people- highly superstitious and tattooed – with long black hair and cut-extended earlobes. The Ibans are also loyal, brave and love to fight. Their weapon is the blowpipe (sumpit) using poisoned darts. The dart is about 20cm long and perforated near the point. After the dart enters the skin, the shaft easily breaks off, leaving the poisoned tip embedded in the flesh. It can take from 20 minutes to 24 hours of agonizing suffering to kill a person. There is no doubt that the Japanese feared the Ibans more than they did the Australians.”

Waddy also commented on how the Ibans were always in the lead while on patrol, always moving without caution and always looking for action. Waddy often was forced to hold them back.

Additionally, the Ibans had great eyesight, even working in the dark jungle. In one of the nights which Waddy described as ‘so dark that it was impossible to see one’s own foot’, an Iban man who carried spare magazines for his gun stayed closed by.

Waddy shared, “He constantly made slight physical contact, which was indeed reassuring. If the Iban wanted me to stop, he would give a gentle tug on my sleeve, slide his arm over my shoulder, and point in the direction he wanted to look, but I could not see or hear anything unusual.”

The importance of local cooperation

It was crucial for these soldiers to work closely with the locals. According to Waddy, agents inserted into enemy-occupied Europe did not have the problems of colour or stature.

There, they blended in with the local population but not in Borneo or throughout the Southwest Pacific.

“White Europeans, with large builds, attracted a lot of unwelcome attention. Therefore, to ensure success, it was essential that the local population was friendly and cooperative,” Waddy noted.

Thankfully for Waddy and most Semut operatives, the locals were being cooperative to them.

Although the Ibans in particular never heard of Australia before, and thought the Semut operatives were British.

Rowan Waddy and his Japanese head

During one of the combats under the Semut Operation, Waddy successfully killed a Japanese soldier.

He described what happened after the battle when he returned to his boat, “The Ibans followed after burying the body. I had no sooner taken my seat in the perahu than a thin, torn burlap bag was dropped at my feet. To my horror it contained the bloody head of the soldier I had killed.”

The Iban guerillas had cut off the soldier’s head, extracted the brain and brought it back with them.

From there, Waddy managed to witness Iban traditions no longer practiced to this day.

According to Iban tradition, the head officially belonged to Waddy. For the next couple of weeks, the head was always hung where he slept.

Describing the smoking process, Waddy wrote, “The head was positioned above a slow fire that was covered with thatching, allowing the smoke to continuously encircle the head. The heat caused the fat, especially from around the cheeks, to slowly drip and sizzle in the fire – not unlike sausage a barbecue grill. At all times there were Ibans squatting and gazing longingly, with admiring smiles, at the head and the sizzling.”

Waddy goes on to describe the rest of the effects of the smoking process, and how the smoking drew the skin taut across the face, and the skin split down one side, revealing the teeth, and “leaving the head with a permanent grin.”

Celebrating the head and its owner, Rowan Waddy

After the skin on the head was dried, it was now the time for the Feast and Dance of the Enemy Head.

According to Waddy, it was an amazing experience.

The event lasted two days and nights which began outside the longhouse before moving inside the long communal room in from of the fifteen doors.

As the “owner” of the head, Waddy was one of very few white men who had ever witnessed and participated in the head dance.

There were dancing and chanting as well as beating of the gongs and drums. While Waddy described the atmosphere and excitement as electric, he said that the ceremonies were sparse compared to what they normally would have been.

This was due to the food shortages forced upon the locals by the Japanese.

Rowan Waddy on the tension between the Chinese and the Iban

Speaking about the locals, Waddy could not help but notice the tension between the Iban and the Chinese during the war.

He noted, “There is no love lost between the Chinese and the Ibans. The Chinese are traders, and comparatively wealthy. On the other hand, the Ibans are simple, communal jungle people who love to hunt heads including Chinese collaborators. The Ibans look down upon the Chinese – the Chinese fear the Ibans.”

Waddy related a story on how he received an unconfirmed report that a small party of Japanese were hiding out in a nearby village when he was in Bintulu.

Since he was busy at the time, his fellow companion Penghulu Blaja from Kanowit volunteered himself to go have a look.

He agreed but he instructed them not to attack or kill any Japanese soldiers, only to observe.

The next day, a group of Chinese showed up wanting to see the Military Governor.

Apparently, there was a loud argument between the Chinese and Iban the previous night and several Chinese were killed.

Waddy immediately sent for Blaja. As it turned out, the penghulu was behind the attack.

After sending the Chinese with Malay police escort, Waddy asked the penghulu why he disobeyed his order.

To that Blaja insisted that he had not disobeyed Waddy’s order as the order was not to kill any Japanese. Blaja argued however that Waddy never told him not to kill Chinese, especially those who had collaborated with the enemy.

Waddy eventually was forced to admit that Blaja had a point.

Rowon Waddy And Blaja
Lieutenant Rowan Waddy and Penghulu Blaja in an undated photo. Credit: Australian War Memorial

Rowan Waddy’s final goodbye to Sarawak

Not long after that, the operatives received orders that all special operations in Sarawak were to cease and members of Z unit were to be out of the field by Oct 15, 1945.

On Oct 11, Waddy handed over command of his district to Major Futter of the British Borneo Civil Affairs Unit (BBCAU).

Waddy wrote, “The night before we left Bintulu, Les Royle, Max Newton and I were treated to a memorable farewell party – an unforgettable feast with ample supplies of rice wine. We played many games with Penghulu Blaja and the happy Ibans. The festivities went on until the early hours of the morning.”

The Australian commandos reportedly taught the Ibans how to play musical chairs and how to dance the Hokey Pokey.

On his final thoughts about leaving Sarawak, Waddy stated, “I had mixed feelings when our Catalina took off later in the day. I had left many friends behind. But, for the first time, I realised that the war was finally over, and I had survived. Still feeling the effects of our emotional farewell, I did not remember much at all about that flight.”

The locust plague that hit North Borneo in 1919

Do you know a plague of locusts once hit North Borneo about a century ago in 1919?

The Sarawak Gazette on Dec 16, 1919 reported that until that year North Borneo had never suffered from a locust plague on a big scale.

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“As far as is known the only occasion on which they have appeared previously was about fifteen years ago in the Tenom district, when they died out spontaneously without increasing to large proportions.”

The 1919 locust plague started in Tempasuk (Kota Belud) at the end of December 1918.

“The insects rapidly increased in number- their multiplication being doubtless assisted by favourable weather conditions and by June of this year they head spread to Kudat and Mempakad on the north, Membakut and Kuala Penyu on the south and Parenchangan in the Interior residency on the east,” the report stated.

By June, the locust plague hit the river Bengkoka in the Marudu district, the Sipitang district and the river Lingkabao in the Sandakan residency.

Fighting against locust plague

Since the locals and administrators of North Borneo were not familiar with locust plagues, they initially did not know how to fight it.

Eventually, they came up with a very labour-intensive solving method.

The report stated, “The first method of destruction used was to drive the hoppers into traps composed of sheets by a strip of smooth oilcloth sewn near the top. A pit was dug at the apex of the trip and filled with water with a little crude oil on the surface; on falling into this the locusts were immediately killed.

Another method to kill them, especially when labour was scarce is to poison them. The vegetation on which they were feeding was sprayed with sodium arsenite ‘with molasses being added to make the poisoned substances attractive’.

These methods were successful in killing the locusts, save for small swarms that escaped their fates.

By the end of 1919, North Borneo was almost free of locust plague. However, patrols were still being maintained to guard against the possibility of scattered individuals multiplying into swarms.

3 theories on Kayan migration to Borneo island

Feuererzeugen bei den Kajan durch Reiben eines Strickes un ein Stuck weichen trockenen Holzes
When the Kayans are naming a child, or engaged in any special ceremony, such as going on the war-path, matches may not be used and fire must be made by drawing rattan backwards and forwards on a piece of soft, dry wood. Credit: Public Domain.

When speaking about Kayan migration, many would immediately think about the Kayan who migrated from Apo Kayan in North Kalimantan, Indonesia to Sarawak specifically to Baram and Upper Rajang rivers.

According to legend, the Kayan people are the forefathers of all smaller sub-ethnic Dayak people found along the Kayan River in Kalimantan.

Kayan river
Kayan river in North Kalimantan.

Many historians and ethnologists, however, have their own theories on Kayan migration before arriving in Borneo.

So where did the Kayan people come from in the first place before they found themselves on the island of Borneo?

Here at KajoMag, we look through the various notes and theories of Kayan migration:

1.Harrison W. Smith in Sarawak: The Land of the White Rajahs (1919)

About 100 years ago, a National Geographic writer and photographer visited Sarawak. The result of that visit is an article entitled, “Sarawak: The Land of the White Rajahs”.

This is what Smith wrote about Kayan migration, pointing out that they might have entered through southeastern Asia.

Perhaps the most interesting tribe in Sarawak and one of those least affected by contact with foreigners is the Kayan, which occupies the head-waters of the Baram and Rejang rivers, in the northerly part of Sarawak, extending also into Dutch Borneo.

These people for unknown generations have lived almost entirely isolated in the interior of the island. There are many reasons for believing they are of Caucasic origin, having entered Borneo from southeastern Asia, where they received infusion of Mongol blood and separated from the people of their their own race, who were the progenitors of the present Karen tribes of Lower Burma.

It appears that the Kayan came to Borneo by the way of Tenasserim, the Malay Peninsula, and Sumatra, later penetrating up the rivers of Borneo.

One notices the features of some Kayans that very strongly suggest Caucasic origin, this being particularly true of the upper or ruling classes, who would be most likely to preserve their racial stock uncontaminated by mixture with conquered tribes.

Many Kayans have very light skin, particularly those of the interior and those who have been little exposed to the sun. The tribe believes in a large number of deities, with one supreme being at the head, thus resembling the Greek mythology.

Many of the details of the methods of taking omens among the Kayans by the flight of birds and the examination of the entrails of animals present extraordinary points of similarity with the Roman methods of taking the auspices.

2.Charles Hose’s theory on three phases of migrations into Borneo

British colonial administrator, zoologist and ethnologist Charles Hose also had his own speculation on the origin of not only Kayan people but the Borneo peoples in general.

Writing for the preface of Hose’s Natural Man, Professor Elliot Smith suggested that the possibility of the transmission to Borneo of certain customs known among the ancient Egyptians, Romans, Babylonians, Estruscans and Persians.

Meanwhile, Hose proposed that there were three migrations into Borneo.

The first group is the ancestors of the Kayan people of central Borneo whom he suggested had migrated from the Irrawaddy Basin in Burma via Sumatra.

The Muruts had then followed from the Philippines or Annam. Lastly, the most recent arrival, which Hose supposed took place in the seventh century, were the ancestors of the Ibans.

Hose believed that they were brought from Sumatra as ‘pagan fighting men’ by Malay nobleman.

Additionally, Hose theorised that groups such as the Punans, Kenyahs and other smaller groups were then assumed to have been the original populations of the island ‘going back possibly to the time when Borneo was still continental’.

Other than the supposed racial and cultural differences within Borneo and the assumed similarities with populations outside Borneo, Hose had no firm evidence for his migration theory.

3.Ida Laura Pfeiffer’s comparison of the Dayak of Borneo and Seram Island

Ida Pfeiffer went down in history as one of the first female travelers of the world.

This Austrian explorer had journeyed an estimated 32,000 km by land and 240,000 km by sea through Southeast Asia, the Americas, Middle East and Africa including two trips around the world from 1846 to 1855.

In her travel book A Lady’s Second Voyage (1856), she commented on the similarity between the Dayaks of Central Borneo and the mountain Alforas of Seram island in current-day Maluku province of Indonesia.

She stated of the latter that their customs “agreed so much with what I had observed among the Dyaks that I feel convinced that the Alforas may be classed as their descendants of collateral relatives.”

While some writers believed the Borneo people came out of the west, writers such as Pfeiffer suggested that they came from the east.

This is due to their resemblance of their way of living to the tribes of Celebes and the more eastern islands such as New Guinea.

Regardless, all of these theories on Kayan migration to Borneo all have one thing in common that they are all just theories without any physical evidence.

They are all just based on the cultural similarities between Kayan people and the tribes at the other part of the world.

Do you know any Kayan migration theories we should know about? Let us know in the comment box.

First shots of the Pacific War were fired at Kota Bharu, not Pearl Harbour

When it comes to the Pacific War, most people believe that the first shots that began it all was Pearl Harbour.

Little do most people know that the first attack actually took place in Kota Bharu, the capital of Malaysian state of Kelantan, as part of the Japanese invasion of Malaya.

The Japanese landed at Kota Bahru at 12.25 am on Monday, Dec 8, 1941 and first attacked Pearl Harbour at 8am on Dec 7, 1941 (local times).

Are you sure Kota Bahru was the first to be attacked? You ask, as you read the dates.

Due to Malaya and Hawaii being on the opposite sides of the International Date Line, the Japanese actually launched its assault on Kota Bharu about 1 hour and 35 minutes before the attack on Pearl Harbour.

The Japanese attack on Kota Bharu and the whole of Malaya

Now the next question is why Malaya?

According to Australian War Memorial, Malaya was a key British colony prior to Second World War (WWII).

It was the source of large quantities of natural resources, particularly tin and rubber. Furthermore, it strategically provided a large defensive barrier to any landward advance on Singapore and its naval base.

The island was the cornerstone of British power in the Asia-Pacific Region.

Knowing the importance of Malaya, the Japanese began planning for an invasion as early as October 1940.

One local survivor told the Japan Times in 2009 that he remembered one particular high-ranking officer widely known as Kawasaki.

Before the war, the locals used to see him riding a bicycle around the villagers selling shrimp rice crackers and speaking fluent Malay. As it turned out, ‘Kawasaki’ was a high-ranking officer who was in-charge of the troops in Kota Bahru.

The first troop against the Japanese was the British Indian Army

When the Imperial Japanese Army first landed at Padang Pak Amat beach, they were ‘greeted’ by the British Indian Army.

Local survivors heard the Indian soldiers were singing Hindi film songs on the beachfront when they saw Japanese landing craft approaching.

Before the Japanese landing, the British had fortified the narrow beaches and islands with land mines, barbed wire and pillboxes.

Colonel Masanobu Tsuji in his book wrote, “The enemy pillboxes, which were well prepared, reacted violently with such heavy force that our men lying on the beach, half in and half out of the water could not raise their heads.”

True enough, the defence was working well, at least in the beginning. The Japanese casualties in the first and second waves were heavy.

While there were some progress, the British forces were not able to completely wipe out the landings on the beach.

Air attacks

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Camouflaged A6M (Zero) fighter aircraft of 22 Air Flotilla, Japanese Navy, on airstrip at Kota Bharu. This unit flew into Kota Bharu from South Vietnam and operated along the East Coast of Malaya including flying “top cover” for the successful Japanese air attack on the British war ships HMS Repulse and HMS Prince of Wales. Credit: Public Domain.

The moment it was confirmed that the Japanese had attacked, the British air force at Kota Bharu received permission to launch an attack.

The first wave of seven aircraft made the initial attack at 2.10am. These aircraft continued to drop bombs on the Japanese until 5am.

All the Japanese transports were repeatedly hit at this time. Colonel Tsuji wrote, “Before long enemy planes in formations of two and three began to attack our transports, which soon became enveloped in flame and smoke.”

Despite the strong defense, the Japanese had three full battalions ashore at Kota Bharu by 10.30 that morning.

The British forces who were forced to retreat, fled the Kota Bharu airfield without destroying anything. This action left the Japanese invaders a fully working airfield along with fuel and ammunition.

At the same time, the Japanese troops also landed at Patani and Singora on the south-eastern coast of Thailand.

With this, the landings at Kota Bharu allowed the troops to proceed to the eastern side of the Malay peninsula. Meanwhile, the troops in Thailand advanced down the western side.

Bachok Beach
Bachok Beach, Kota Bharu, Malaya. 1941-07. Local fishing boats (perahu) pulled up on the beach, possibly at one of the points where the Japanese invasion troops landed on 1941-12. (Donor E. Cooke-Russell). Copyright expired.

The local villagers’ experience

A group of 30 local villagers came across the Japanese forces during the invasion.

They tried to escape but the Japanese ordered them to dig trenches and stay inside to avoid getting shot in the gunfire exchange.

The locals had to dig the holes in the sand with their hands. Overwhelmed with fear, they stayed in the trench for three days.

When they finally came out from it, they found about 380 dead Japanese soldiers.

The Japanese then cremated their dead comrades.

They stayed in the areas for about two weeks before moving to other locations. The Japanese reportedly did not cause any problems for the locals taking away their livestock.

Only three villagers reportedly died during the attack at Kota Bharu.

The aftermath

As for the British and Japanese troops, there is no official death toll. For the Japanese, they suffered an estimated 300 deaths and 500 wounded. The British casualties and losses were estimated at 68 fatalities, 360 wounded and 37 missing.

Regardless, the attacks on Kota Bharu were one of the most violent battles of the whole Malayan Campaign.

The Brunei Civil War and how it led to Sulu’s claim over Sabah

The Brunei Civil War took place centuries years ago from 1660 to 1673. However, the consequences from this particular warfare seems to have an effect even to this day.

Adding on to the element of disbelief of this piece of history, the Brunei Civil War had, in fact, started from a cockfight.

The Brunei Civil War, a warfare which started from a cockfight

Pengiran Muda Bongsu, the son of Brunei’s 12th sultan, Sultan Muhammad Ali, had been indulging in a round of cockfighting with Pengiran Muda Alam, the son of the chief minister (only second to the sultan), Bendahara Abdul Hakkul Mubin.

The innocent cockfight turned bloody when Pengiran Muda Bongsu was defeated by Pengiran Muda Alam.

Pengiran Muda Bongsu, either being a super sore loser or entitled as the sultan’s son (perhaps both?) was so enraged by the loss that he stabbed Pengiran Muda Alam in the chest with his keris, ultimately killing him.

cocks 3519618 1920
When a cockfight turns bloody. Credit: Pixabay.

The wrath of a father

The bendahara was furious upon learning the death of his beloved son, marching his men to the palace to confront the sultan.

‘A tooth for a tooth’, Abdul Hakkul Mubin told the sultan, wanting to avenge his son’s death.

To this demand, various sources cite the sultan’s responses differently.

One source stated that Abdul Hakkul Mubin was denied the right to search the palace for Pengiran Muda Bongsu, while another source stated that the sultan had allowed him to do so.

Either way, the prince had made his escape and the bendahara could not find Pengiran Muda Bongsu.

Furious, Abdul Hakkul Mubin went amok, going into a killing spree which took the lives of everyone in the palace, including the royal family.

With the help of his men, Abdul Hakkul Mubin killed the sultan by garroting him to death.

The place where the sultan was slain is now known as ‘Marhum Tumbang Dirumput’, as his body was left lying on the grass.

Meanwhile, the bendahara took the throne, becoming sultan as he crowned himself the 13th Sultan of Brunei.

Sultan Abdul Hakkul Mubin’s reign

Naturally, the people were not happy that their new sultan had killed his way to the throne. In order to gain their trust, Sultan Abdul Hakkul Mubin installed the late sultan’s grandson – Pengiran Muhyiddin – as the new Bendahara.

It was not enough. The loyal followers of the late Sultan Muhammad Ali were not happy, imploring the now Bendahara Muhyiddin to fight against Sultan Abdul Hakkul Mubin.

A rebellion started by ‘mengarok’

Muhyiddin and his followers planned to create a disturbance at the palace and the houses in the area.

They started to ‘mengarok’, poking spears through the floors of the palace and houses.

When Sultan Abdul Hakkul Mubin turned to Muhyiddin for advice on what to do, he advised him to move his palace to Pulau Chermin.

The moment the Sultan moved out from the mainland to Pulau Chermin, Muhyiddin declared himself the 14th Sultan of Brunei.

No country can be ruled by two kings. Therefore, the battle between the two sultans began.

The war begins

After repelling several attacks from Muhyiddin, Abdul Hakkul Mubin eventually retreated to Kinarut, Sabah.

With help of local Bajaus and Dusuns, he managed to defend himself from Muhyiddin.

Abdul Hakkul Mubin reportedly lived in Kinarut for 10 years to defend his title.

In the final attack at Kinarut, however, Muhyiddin still failed to defeat Abdul Hakkul Mubin.

Then, Abdul Hakkul Mubin decided to return to Pulau Chermin.

It turned out to be a great strategic move for Abdul Hakkul Mubin. From there, he was able to control the food supply going into the mainland as the island is located near the mouth of Brunei river.

In the meantime, the people of Brunei were suffering as they could not go out to fish during the civil war.

Worried that the war would drag on, Muhyiddin decided to seek the Sultan of Sulu for help.

In return, Muhyiddin promised to hand over the eastern part of north Borneo as a reward.

Finally, Muhyiddin’s men successfully attacked Pulau Chermin, launching the final assault on Abdul Hakkul Mubin and his men.

Knowing that he would be defeated, Abdul Hakkul Mubin threw himself into the sea along with his crown.

North Borneo Dispute territory
Territory in the 1878 agreement from the Pandassan River on the north west coast to the Sibuco River in the south. Copyright: Public Domain

The Sulu Sultanate and their claim over eastern Borneo (current-day Sabah)

Meanwhile, the Sulu Sultanate was like that classmate everyone used to have who did not contribute to the group assignment but still had his share of the mark.

They reportedly did not help much in the final battle except by showing up at the last minute.

Regardless, the Sultan of Sulu still claimed his reward of eastern Sabah.

Meanwhile, Brunei, on their side, never recognised the claim and never released any official document to legitimise Sulu’s sovereignty of the area.

Fast forward to December 1877, Baron Gustav von Overbeck managed to convince the Sultan of Brunei to concede some territories to him to form the British North Borneo Company.

From there, he found out about the Sulu’s claim to the eastern territory of the area. Hence, he proceeded to obtain that part of territories from Sultan of Sulu.

Some historians believed that was when the real trouble of the North Borneo dispute began. Many believed that the eastern part of Borneo was never officially ruled by Sulu sultanate in the first place.

Overbeck reportedly wanted to ‘avoid’ future problems with Sulu Sultanate. Therefore, he had the Sultanate of Sulu to sign an agreement on January 22, 1878.

The problematic agreement which, depending on the translation, stipulated that North Borneo was either ceded or leased to the British company.

Today, the Philippines, presenting itself as the successor state of the Sulu Sultanate, retains a dormant claim on Eastern Sabah on the basis that the territory was only ‘leased’ to the British North Borneo Company in 1878.

Can you imagine how these international claims today, had originated from a cockfight?

5 amusing Sarawak stories as recorded by colonial officer Ian Urquhart

The Crown Colony of Sarawak was established in 1946 right after the dissolution of the British Military Administration.

On Sept 16, 1963, it was succeeded as the state of Sarawak through the formation of the Malaysian federation.

Unlike other Crown colonies, Sarawak was perhaps the most unique one. Sarawak continued its pre-existing institution of government with minor changes.

The Council Negri which was established under the Rajah Brooke’s 1941 constitution, retained its functions with the rajah being replaced by a British governor. As for the governor, he was required to consult with the council to exercise his power.

In the meantime, Sarawak was divided into five divisions with each overseen by a resident. Each division was then divided into districts which were overseen by district officers.

While a number of Brooke officers remained at their posts, the Colonial office in London also sent officers to serve in Sarawak administration.

One of the first batch British officers arrived in Kuching to work as Colonial Service Administration Cadet was Ian Urquhart.

During his retirement in the mid-1990s, he started to write his memoirs, finally completing them shortly before he died in June 2012.

Urquhart always hoped that his memoirs would be freely available for those who shared his love for Sarawak and its people.

Thus, his family published it on the internet making it available for everyone to read.

Amusing, funny and downright entertaining, the book offers a rare view of Sarawak during its colonial days.

For instance there was one Penghulu Puso from Belaga who had the opportunity to meet Lord Louis and Lady Mountbatten in 1946.

“Looking at her many medal ribbons he had exclaimed ‘What a brave woman. She must have taken many heads’. It was a remark that pleased her greatly,” Urquhart wrote.

He also shared how much the then Governor-General of British territories of Southeast Asia Malcolm MacDonald loved Kapit and its people.

Fort Sylvia Kapit 10
Urquhart once called Fort Sylvia his home/office when he was posted in Kapit.

Urquhart once overheard MacDonald say to Anthony Abell (the third British governor of Sarawak), that “If I could lead my life over again, I would have liked to be District Officer of Kapit.”

What makes his memoirs endearing is his observation of the commonplace things we see in everyday life, for example, “In my opinion, two of the most unpleasant sounds in this world are those of an Iban or Foochow woman who has a grievance and intends to express it long and loud, as I have known to my cost when hearing court cases.”

On a serious note, Urquhart also shared some behind-the-scene stories of Sarawak historical incidents such as the assassination of Sarawak governor Duncan Stewart and anti-cession movement.

Sarawak anti cession demonstration
Sarawak anti-cession demonstration. Borneo Asian Reports [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons

For KajoMag, here are at least 5 stories that we find entertaining in Ian Urquhart’s memoir entitled Sarawak Anecdotes (2012):

1.The Brooke officer who was almost executed.

Since Urquhart came to Sarawak after World War II (WWII) ended, there was a handful of Japanese occupation stories he collected, especially from those who have interned.

Here is an interesting story of how a Brooke officer escaped execution:

“Willie Tait, the Rajah’s Postmaster-General of Sarawak, was a genial Yorkshireman. On leave once, he has picked up after an enjoyable party by a policeman in London late at night as he leaned on a lamp post for support. The copper asked him who he was and thought he was joking when he said ‘The Postmaster-General of Sarawak’ and carted him off to gaol for the night to sober up. As the Japanese were invading Kuching and most of his staff had fled. Willie bravely took over the wireless and continued tapping out news to the British forces in Singapore of what was happening in Kuching until he was found by the Japanese. With some other British, he was taken to the Astana and locked up there.

Because of his activities with the wireless, Willie was then taken out onto the lawn to be shot. Being a practicing Roman Catholic, he turned to his executioners and requested that he be allowed to make his peace with his God before he was despatched. His request was granted and he took as long as he possibly could in kneeling down and confessing his sins and praying many prayers to the Lord to save him, failing which that his soul be kindly dealt with, until eventually the Japanese interrupted him saying he had had long enough.

The Postmaster-General regretted that the Lord had apparently ignored his prayers to save him but them said to the Japanese that surely they could not expect him to die with a full bladder. This request was also agreed to, and he wandered over to a tree and took as long as he could over this important performance. At last it seemed that the Lord must have heard his prayers, for a lone British plane appeared over Kuching and the Japanese hastily returned their prisoner to his prison after which, apparently, they had so many other matters to think about that they forgot to execute Willie! Interestingly, no one has been able to identify which plane it was that saved Willie or why it was there.”

2.The haunted hill of 10th Mile Kuching

This is a story Urquhart’s brother in-law R.W. (Bill) Large told him. He was a police officer in the Sarawak Constabulary during Brooke administration.

During the war, he joined the 2/15th Punjab Regiment and posted in Sarawak. However, he was captured and held as prisoner-of-war (POW) in Java.

After the war ended, he returned to the Sarawak Constabulary and eventually married Urquhart’s sister.

Here is the story Bill told Urquhart about the haunted hill at Kuching-Serian Road:

“Before the war, the Serian Road from Kuching was being maintained and the Public Works Department (PWD) engineer in charge told some of his local labour force, mostly Land Dayaks, to go up one of the many small hills near the 10th Mile, but they refused saying the hill was ‘hantu’, i.e a spirit haunted it.

To show them that this was nonsense, he himself went up the hill and, after a long time, several of the men, tremblingly and keeping close together, decided to look for him. They found him with a high fever and brought him down near death’s door. As a result, an RC (Roman Catholic) priest found some of his flock were wavering and so he went up the hill, with the same result as the P.W.D engineer.

During the war, a company of the 2/15th Punjabs under a British officer (none of whom had heard the story of haunted hill) sent a patrol up it. In no time, they returned down again helter skelter as stones from no visible source were being hurled at them.

It took a big party with beating gongs to go up and recover the arms which some of the soldiers had dropped in their panic.”

It would be interesting to know the exact location of this haunted hill.

3.The prison break that went wrong.

Urquhart also made friend with J.B. Archer, the Chief Secretary for the third Rajah Vyner Brooke.

According to Urquhart, he learned a lot about Sarawak from Archer. Over a drink in the Sarawak Club, he shared a story that took place at Kuching Round Tower which was used as the Rajah’s gaol.

“A Chinese was incarcerated in this building. He worked out to this satisfaction that, if he made a hole in the roof of his cell, he would be able to escape. Eventually, he somehow acquired a suitable tool and working at night, he started to carry out his plan. The trouble was that he had misestimated where to make his escape hole. Above him was a cell with three Chinese women prisoners in it.

They were surprised to hear noises under the floor even more surprised when a small hole appeared in their floor, which was widened and a man’s head then appeared.

He was disappointed at what he found but made the hole big enough to get his body through, and then started to investigate whether there was any chance of escaping from women’s room.

But having been starved of male company for a long time, they had other ideas and drew lots. The winner insisted that the mad had sex with her which he did. Then lady no. 2 said it was now her turn. This started him, but he managed to satisfy her. However, when it came to no 3’s turn, he was unable to perform and in a dudgeon she ungallantly shrieked out loud enough to be heard by the gaolers that she was being raped!”

4.Mrs Hoover’s soup

Reverend James Matthew Hoover was an American missionary in-charge of Foochow immigrants during Brooke’s time.

With his fluency in the Foochow dialect, he was the official representative in all dealings with the government.

He married his wife Mary Young in 1904, a British teacher in Penang who later joined him in Sibu.

Here is a story about Mrs Hoover’s soup:

The Chinese in Sibu were very hospitable and those that were well off would give quite large dinner parties, consisting of anything from eight to 24 courses.

Usually the food was presented in a bowl or on a dish, placed on the table and then each guest used his chopsticks or spoon to remove from it what took his fancy and put it in his own bowl or direct into his mouth.

Most of these dishes were soupy or savoury and after a bit one’s spoon would inevitably be coated with a layer of fat, however much one had licked it.

In Sibu the habit was that the last dish of the meal would consist of something sweet such as a large bowl of tinned peach slices or of litchis (lychees) in syrup. Before the final dish was put on the table, a bowl of very hot water was placed there in which the guests could rinse their spoons or chop sticks.

I soon learnt to watch out for the arrival of this bowl and be amongst the first to clean my spoon, as after several people had done so, there was a nice layer of fat on the surface of the water.

Pre-war, Mrs Hoover, the wife of the American Methodist bishop, was intently engaged in talking to her neighbour and so failed to note the arrival of the bowl of hot water.

Eventually she turned round, dipped her spoon several times into the bowl, which had been well used for the cleansing of spoons, and, watched by the startled Chinese, took several spoonfuls of semi congealed fat in, by now, warm water and poured them into her bowl, whose contents she proceeded to consume, saying, as she finished the last spoonful, how much she enjoyed Chinese soups.

With carefully concealed regret, the polite Chinese then felt obliged to do as she had done and from then on in Sibu the bowl of hot water was known as ‘Mrs Hoover’s soup’.

5.His Excellency Anthony Abell and his Special Branch man.

After Duncan Stewart’s assassination, security was predictably tight around the next governor Anthony Abell.

In his memoir, Urquhart shared one incident when he had to accompany the governor.

“I was accompanying the Governor, Sir Anthony Abell, who was sitting on a longhouse floor in my district. He got to his feet, picked up a toilet roll and said “I’m off. Please ensure no-one follows me.”

When he returned he was laughing and told me what had happened.

He had found a nice little area of bushes close to one another that gave him some privacy and was squatting down and starting to commune happily with nature, when, to his annoyance, he heard the mistakable grunting of a pig that had realised that a choice meal might soon be available.

The pig came indecently close so as to catch His Excellency’s droppings before any rival pig could do so. This, H.E. found inhibiting.

He looked around for a suitable stick within reach with which to whack the pig on its snout, but to his annoyance could not find one. At that moment, a nearby bush quivered, and a length of arm emerged with a suitable stick for His Excellency.

It was the arm of the Special Branch man, whose instructions had been always to keep within sight of the Governor but to do so inconspicuously.

Until that moment the Governor had not realised that each time previously that he had left a longhouse with his toilet roll, the Special Branch man had also been there.”

Besides his experiences and stories as well as gossips he heard during his service in Sarawak, Urquhart also recorded his comments on Brooke’s administration and his observance of the local people.

For Sarawakians and history enthusiasts, the book is definitely a must-read.

You can read Sarawak Anecdotes: A Personal Memoir of Service 1947-1964 here.

How Korean dramas introduced the world to ‘chimaek’

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Photo by Unsplash.

If you are a K-drama fan, you must know about ‘chimaek’. It is a Korean slang word which mashes up chikin (fried chicken) and maekju (beer).

For Sarawakians, the last thing you would imagine to pair your beer with is fried chicken. However, South Korean have introduced the world that the pairing of Korean fried chicken and draft beer is actually a match made in heaven.

The history of ‘chimaek’

The origin story of ‘chimaek’ can be traced back to the time when South Koreans were introduced to fried chicken.

For that, the Koreans had to thank the Americans. It is believed that US troops during the Korean War stationed in South Korea introduced to the country the concept of frying chicken.

Before that, it was healthy food with the Koreans mainly cooking their chicken in broth and soup.

When cooking oil was introduced in South Korea in 1971, there was a rise of fried chicken consumption.

To chomp down the fried chicken, the Koreans opted for refreshing, cold beer. More stalls and restaurants started to sell beer alongside fried chicken.

While the world saw the rise of disco in the 70s, South Korea saw the birth of ‘chimaek’.

‘Chimaek’ from K-drama and beyond

The craze over ‘chimaek’ among Korean drama fans all started from the romantic comedy My Love from The Star.

Cheon Song-yi (Jun Ji-hyun), the heroine in the drama, casually commented, “A snowy day is just perfect for our chimaek time”.

From there, fans went nuts over the pairing of fried chicken and beer.

Striking while the iron is hot, Korea’s major fried chicken restaurant Pelicana opened its first restaurant in Guangzhou barely months after the airing of My Love from the Star.

Chinese consumers were reportedly waiting an average of three hours in front of a Korean-brand chicken shop just to have their chicken fix.

If you are not a Korean drama fan, you might not understand the fuss. It was a just a scene from a drama of a beautiful actress craving for fried chicken and beer.

These fans nonetheless, contributed to their country’s economy.

For instance, Xinhua reported that China’s poultry industry which was weakened after the H7N9 avian flu pandemic was revived in 2014 following the chimaek trend.

The rave over ‘chimaek’ back then also caught the attention of politicians.

During the annual China-South Korea business forum in 2015, South Korean the president Park Geun-hye noted that the Chinese taste for fried chicken and beer-stemming from the airing of Korean drama, was a sign of cultural and economic integration between the two countries.

Since My Love from the Star, other dramas such as Crash Landing on You and The King: Eternal Monarch also featured salivating chimaek session in their plots.

The obsession over chimaek

Unlike the American fried chicken, Korean fried chicken is fried twice. Hence, they are crispier.

Additionally, there are all kinds of different sauces and toppings of Korean fried chicken. Each Korean fried chicken food chain even has its own signature taste and flavour.

According to CNN Travel, chimaek fanatics call themselves “chideokhu”. It is a combination of the words “chicken” and “deokhu,” which means “maniac.”

Meanwhile, connoisseurs who can differentiate fried chicken between brands without consulting the delivery box are chimmeliers, a mishmash of “chimaek” and “sommelier.”

There is even a chicken-specific hallelujah: chillelujah!

It doesn’t matter if you are a Korean drama fan or not, if you love beer, a ‘chimaek’ session is definitely worth a try.

If you have given it a try, chillelujah!

Chimaek 2
Draft beer goes really well with these tender and crispy fried chicken.

Mangkok Merah 1967, the Dayak-Chinese conflict in Kalimantan

Mangkok Merah 1967, the conflict between the Dayak and Chinese in West Kalimantan

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Slogan proclaiming that Chinese and Indonesians stand together. Circa 1946. Credit: Berita Film Indonesia / Public domain

The New Order in Indonesia is the term coined by the second Indonesian President Suharto to describe his administrative era when he came to power in 1966.

In the beginning of this New Order, one incident left a bloody mark in Indonesian history and it is called Mangkuk Merah.

The background factors of the conflict between the Dayak and Chinese

Suharto’s predecessor Sukarno denounced the new nation Malaysia back then, calling it a form of neo-colonialism.

He then secretly trained rebel communist troops from Sarawak known as the Sarawak People’s Guerrilla Army (Pasukan Guerrilla Rakyat Sarawak or PGRS).

They set up camps along the Kalimantan-Sarawak border with many Sarawakian Chinese crossing over to be part of the communist movement.

When Suharto rose to power, he ended the Indonesian-Malaysian confrontation and focused on fighting against communism.

By January 1967, the Indonesian military began to resettle 5,000 Chinese away from the Sarawak border.

The Chinese were no longer allowed to live within five miles of the border.

At that time, the Chinese, especially from West Kalimantan, were believed to be communist sympathisers. The military also believed that a number of them living near the border were from Sarawak not Kalimantan.

In Sarawak, a similar resettlement scheme was carried out in 1965 called Operation Hammer. The Chinese were resettled away from the Sarawak border in order to cut off the Communist rebels’ food and supplies.

The rumours that sparked the conflict between the Dayak and Chinese

In the book Malay and Chinese Indonesian, Dwi Surya Atmaja and Fazhurozi stated the anti-communism movement that began to take a bloody turn.

“A string of murders of Dayak people with unknown perpetrator happened in Ledo, Seluas and Pahauman, Bengkayang and almost all areas with sizable ethnic Chinese communities. This situation was used by the military to scapegoat PGRS as perpetrators of the murders,” they stated.

On top of that, the military allegedly spread rumours that the Chinese were anti-Dayak and all Chinese communists.

The military reportedly used the categories ‘Dayak’ and ‘Chinese’ to indicate loyal citizens and communists, respectively during this time.

Manipulated by the military and enraged by the murders, the Dayak asked for support from the former governor of West Kalimantan and a respected Dayak figure, Johanes Christomus Oevaang Oeray.

Then through a Radio Republik Indonesia (RRI) Pontianak broadcast on Sept 21, 1967, Oeray allegedly threatened the Chinese people to leave their areas and move to nearest district town.

Later, on Oct 11, 1967, the Dayak villagers attended a meeting to prepare for what was called a ‘Gerakan Demonstrasi’.

Some historians do not believe that it was Oeray who made the broadcast, but somebody using his name.

However, some believed that Oeray purposely cooperated with the Indonesian military to regain his political footing after he lost his influence over the Dayak community when Suharto came into power.

Regardless, the Dayaks took the broadcast as the announcement of Mangkok Merah.

What is Mangkok Merah?

Dwi Surya Atmaja and Fazhurozi explained in their book what Mangkok Merah meant in the culture of the Dayak of Kalimantan.

Basically, it is the traditional symbol of starting a war.

“Mangkok Merah was used to unite the Dayak tribes if they felt their sovereignty was in great danger. The tribal chiefs usually sent a red bowl (mangkok merah) filled with charcoal, chicken feather, pig blood, and juang leaves, to be passed around from one village to another quickly. A Dayak figure explained that Mangkok Merah was used to call for people, as a communication symbol used in emergencies. When someone brought it from one tribe to the other, it means: come and help us.”

The violence

Following the announcement, a string of massacres took place in West Kalimantan. The peak of violence happened in November 1967.

The attackers started to murder Chinese people using hunting weapons and burning their belongings.

Chinese shops were vandalised and the bodies were lined up on the streets.

Describing the violence in one of her papers, Nancy Lee Peluso stated, “Some Chinese turned their homes and possessions over the Dayak or other Indonesian neighbours for safe-keeping, not knowing they would not be allowed to return. Others ran into the forests and plantations, fearful but hoping to maintain a watch on their land, homes and possessions. From November to January, crowds of Dayak men and boys, wearing red headbands and carrying elongated bush knives (mandau), homemade hunting guns and military-issue firearms, violently evicted all remaining Chinese from the rural areas.”

Most historians estimated the deaths ranged from 300 to 500 with thousands more becoming refugees. The highest estimated number of refugees is 117,000.

By early 1968, the violence finally subsided.

How the Dayak and Chinese conflict lead to Dayak and Madurese conflict

With thousands of Chinese removed from rural areas in 1967, you might think that there would be more lands for the Dayak occupied.

Writing in the book Golddiggers, Farmers and Traders in the Chinese Districts of West Kalimantan, Mary F Somers Heidues stated, “The New Order actively encouraged migration of settlers from crowded areas of Java, Madura and Bali to less-populated spaces in the Outer Islands.”

She added if the Dayaks who participated in the 1967 Raids hoped that the emptied lands and properties would fall into their hands after the Chinese fled, they were to be disappointed.

“Although Dayaks moved into the area, Dayak hegemony did not last long,” Heidues stated.

Many settlers relocated from Java-Madura, Bugis and Bali into the area in stages. Heidues, further stated, “In the end, the Madurese were to become a focus of resentment in 1997.”

As for the Chinese refugees, many of them resettled in towns such as Pontianak and Singkawang.

The forgotten Malayan labourers of Burma Railway during WWII

The Burma Railway is infamously known as the Death Railway. It is because thousands of people died building it during World War II (WWII).

The Empire of Japan built it from 1940-1944 to supply troops and weapons in the Burma campaign.

The railway is 415-kilometres long connecting Ban Pong, Thailand and Thanbuzayat, Burma.

It is understood that between 180,000 and 250,000 Allied prisoners of war (POWs) were forced to build the railway.

However, not many remember that there were civilians working along the railway sacrificing their lives along the way.

It is estimated that there must have been more than 180,000 civilian labourers working on the railway.

They were mostly Javanese from Indonesia, Thai, Burmese as well as Chinese, Malay and Tamil from Malaya.

Sometimes referred to as romusha (the Japanese language word for labourer) in writing, they were also known as ‘the coolies’ by the Allied POWs.

Bridge over the River Kwai Art.IWMARTLD6035
Bridge over the River Kwai by Leo Rawlings, a POW who was involved in the line’s construction (sketch dated to 1943). It depicts four POWs, waist-deep in the water, carrying a large log during the first bridge’s construction. Credits: Rawlings, Leo – http://media.iwm.org.uk/iwm/mediaLib//150/media-150071/large.jpg This is photograph Art.IWM ART LD 6035 from the collections of the Imperial War Museums.

The recruitment of Malayan labourers

Speaking of Allied POWs, Australian POW Hugh Clarke described on how these civilian labourers were recruited in his work “A Life For Every Sleeper, A Pictorial Record of the Burma-Thailand Railway.”

He wrote, “The Japanese at the end of 1942 resorted to many ruses to recruit an additional labour pool of over 270,000 civilian labourers. They included Chinese, Burmese, Thais, Indians, Malays and Eurasians. As POWs began moving north the Japanese placed advertisements in Malayan newspapers seeking labourers for work periods of up to three months in Thailand. Free rail travel, housing, food and medical services were offered together with pay at a rate of one dollar a day. The response was negligible so the Japanese resorted to press-gang methods. Free pictures shows were advertised at various theatre around Malaya and when full, the doors were locked and all males in the audiences put abroad trains and railed to Thailand.”

However, could the civilians escape from being recruited? There were reports of locals agreed to become spies for the military police or Kenpeitai in order to avoid being sent to work on Burma Railway.

Dr Robert Hardie’s accounts on Malayan labourers on Burma Railway

Dr Robert was a British medical officer serving with the Federated Malay States Volunteer Force and a plantation manager in Malaya.

After the fall of Singapore, he became one of thousands of POWs forced to work on the railway.

Throughout this period, he managed to keep a diary despite the numerous searches. His diary entries were later published in a book entitled The Burma-Siam Railway: The Secret Diary of Dr Robert Hardie 1942-45.

He was reportedly an admirer of Malay culture.

On Aug 4, 1943, he wrote,

“When one hears of these widespread barbarities, one can only feel that we prisoners of war, in spite of all the deaths and permanent disabilities which result, are being treated with comparative consideration.”

Then on July 6, 1943, Hardie stated,

“A lot of Tamil, Chinese and Malay labourers from Malaya have been brought up forcibly to work on the railway. They were told that they were going to Alor Setar in northern Malaya; that conditions would be good – light work, good food and good quarters. Once on the train, however, they were kept under guard and brought right up to Siam and marched in droves up to the camps on the river. There must be many thousands of these unfortunates all along the railway course. We hear of the frightful casualties from cholera and other diseases among these people and of the brutality with which they are treated by the Japanese. People who have been near the camps speak with bated breath of the state of affairs-corpses rotting unburied in the jungle, almost complete lack of sanitation, frightful stench, overcrowding, swarms of flies. There is no medical attention in these camps, and the wretched natives are of course unable to organise any communal sanitation.”

Again on July 21, 1943, Dr Hardie wrote,

“The conditions in the coolie camps down river are terrible, Basil says. They are kept isolated from Japanese and British camps. They have no latrines. Special British prisoners parties at Kinsaiyok bury about 20 coolies a day. These coolies have been brought from Malaya under false pretence – ‘easy work, good pay, good houses!’ Some have even brought wives and children. Now they find themselves dumped in these charnel houses, driven and brutally knocked about by the Jap and Korean guards, unable to buy extra food, bewildered, sick, frightened. Yet many of them have shown extraordinary kindness to sick British prisoners passing down the river, giving them sugar and helping them into the railway trucks at Tarsao.”

What happened to the Malayan labourers when the war ended?

If you think that the suffering of Malayan labourers would end when the Japanese surrendered and the war finally ended, well, it’s usually not that clean-cut.

According to Anzac Portal, these civilians had no expectation of being rescued by military authorities when the war ended.

In other Japanese-occupied territories romusha were given supplies of food and medical attention by American troops arriving from August-September 1945 on.

Unfortunately, Allied authorities in Thailand and Burma prioritised their own military personnel leaving the romushas including the Malayan forced labourers perhaps last in line for help and supplies.

As for the repatriation of Romusha, it was managed by different authorities. The British Military Administration in Malaya sent missions to Thailand in November 1945 to aid the repatriation of Malayan laborers.

Overall for those who returned alive to their homes, no compensation were given to them. In Malaya, nonetheless, some received some clothing and a small amount of money… but many received nothing.

The unmarked and unknown graves of civilians of Burma-Thai Railway

After the war, the remains of the dead were relocated from former POW camps, burial graves along the railroad to official war cemeteries.

Overall, there were three war cemeteries which are maintained by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

According to Paul H. Kratoska in Asian Labor in the Wartime Japanese Empire: Unknown Histories, there are 12,043 Allied soldiers are buried in cemeteries in Kanchanaburi, Thailand. Their gravestones seem to stretch on forever.

He further stated, “However, there are no cemeteries, and no individual gravestones, for the Asian labourers who died building the railway. They were buried if they were fortunate, or else abandoned in the jungle, or thrown into the river or into a common grave. In 1988, the site of a mass grave was found in Kanchanaburi by accident, and the bones of more than 700 bones were excavated. Villagers said it was a burial site used for the Asian railway construction labourers.”

According to Anzac portal, since they were not military personal they were not interred in the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

Furthermore, the identification of their bodies would be extremely difficult given the lack of records of where they buried.

To this day, there is no official record of how many civilian labourers died building the Burma railway.

Why were the Asian workers of Burma Railway, including the Malayan labourers, forgotten?

According to David Boggett in his paper Notes on the Thai-Burma Railway, while dead men can tell no tales, so the illiterate can write no diaries.

He stated, “Many of the Asian romusha were illiterate; poor, helpless peasants most forcibly conscripted or callously lured by false promises of riches and unaware of their ultimate destinations. While it is a matter of dispute as to whether Japan ever made any efforts to observe the Geneva convention (certainly the experiences of the POWs led them to believe that the Conventions were being deliberately ignored), the records kept of POWs movements for example from Singapore’s Changi prison to Thailand or from Thailand to Japan proper – suggest that at some perhaps higher levels, the intention of Japanese bureaucrats (as opposed to military staff on the ground) was, indeed accurate records of the POWs’ fate as obligated under the conventions.”

Boggett also added, “However, no such Geneva Conventions existed to govern the impressing or treatment of civilian labour; few official attempts were made to record the fate of Asian romusha. This lack of official Japanese documentation, coupled with the absence of almost any written records by the survivors themselves, has allowed the situation of Asian romusha to be minimise or even ignored.”

With no marked graves and no official records of their existence, it is no surprise why the civilian labourers of the Burma Railway including those from Malaya had been forgotten, even if their number could be way higher than of Allied POWs.

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