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Looking back at Adenan Satem’s form six essay “Democracy”

Affectionately known as ‘Tok Nan’, Tan Sri Pehin Sri Adenan Satem (1944-2017) was the fifth Chief Minister of Sarawak.

When he was young, Adenan went to St. Joseph’s Primary School before continuing his studies at St. Joseph’s Secondary School.

As a sixth form student, he was part of the committee for Ad Astra, the school’s magazine catered to the senior students.

The school periodically sent some of the students’ articles to publish in The Sarawak Gazette including one of Adenan’s on Oct 31, 1964.

In his short bio, this was what the gazette published about Adenan.

“Adenan Satem is at present studying in Upper Six Arts. He is Sales Manager for the Magazine and also Secretary of the School’s Literary and Debating Society. He was one of the the founder members of the Magazine and has always taken a very keen interest in its progress not only in Committee work but also in contributions in writing. He hopes to do an Arts Degree in University.”

Eventually, he did pursue his studies in law at the University of Adelaide, Australia.

Read the whole article written by the late chief minister Adenan Satem entitled “Democracy”:

Different people define Democracy differently but to my mind a democracy is a country which can vote its rulers into power and, even more important, vote them out of power should they prove to be inefficient, corrupt or power-hungry. In short the central characteristic of Democracy is that venerable institution called ‘representative government’.

Now I must admit that this is a very crude definition of a democracy but at the same time I believe it is a practical one. I am no sophisticated political theorist. I am only one who seeks to understand Democracy as it works and it applies to our everyday lives. If you want to know from the first whether I am for or against Democracy I would like to quote, if I may Sir Winston Churchill. When he as asked for his opinion on Democracy he said: “Democracy is the worst system of government in the world-except the others.”

I maintain therefore that Democracy is not the most perfect system of government but it is thre bes system so far. We have not yet devised a system of government which may prove to be better than Democracy.

Democracy has numerous faults. It is cumbersome, sluggish, often mistaken and prejudiced in its decisions and polices and at its worst it can develop into disconcerting force but political experiences down the ages when Democracy was first conceived have that all other ways of governing complex modern societies are far, far worse.

Of course the sole right of choosing a government and then chucking it out if it dissatisfies us is not the whole concept of Democracy. On the other hand, there are many rights and institutions which revolve round the central nucleus of representative government. For a democracy to work the people must be free to express themselves, they must be allowed to air their views in public, they must be allowed to say what kind of government they want and who their leaders should be, and they must be allowed to criticize the powers that be. Secondly, the people must have the right of assembly. This is to say that people must be allowed to group themselves into various associations so that their views may be appreciated all the more and to allow no one group to dominate all the other groups and also to protect the individual from being victimized by stronger and concerted forces. It goes without saying that these associations, like political parties, trade unions and employer’s associations, must be allowed a relatively and reasonably free hand in its organization, polices and procedures. If the internal affairs of these associations are interfered with unnecessarily by, say the government, then the whole democratic concept of free associations is simply meaningless. And thirdly there must be independent law courts. The “rule of law” must be the watchword because this is the one principle which protects the individual in society from the whims and fancies of would-be tyrants and demagogues. It establishes the superiority of law, which must have its origin in the sovereign people, over mere arbitrariness or caprice, and goes on to state that “no person may be deprived of life, liberty or property except in consequence of an infraction of the law proved in open court, and that no man stands above the law, and that therefore everyone is liable, in case of such infraction, to punishment or exaction of reparation on lines laid down by law, regardless of his station or connections.” Again it goes without saying that judges and juries must be completely independent and not give verdicts according to what has not been proved in open court. The position and appointment of judges must never be based on political loyalties, and judges must never be involved in politics during the tenure of their office.

All this of course is part of the worn-out, classical definition of Democracy. But developing in our own time is another very important element which has more or less identified itself with the Democratic concept. I am speaking of political parties. Democracy essentially means choice and we can choose only if there is an alternative or are alternatives. A country which has only political party is not democracy because the people have no choice. However much people who are assured of the above ‘inalienable rights’ they will not be able to practice them effectively unless there are in existence at one and the same time at least two rival political parties between which the electorate has a choice and which stand on entirely different platforms. One may for example stand for socialism and planning, and the other ‘laissez-faire’ capitalism but their polices must be different or else there will be no real choice. This then is the importance of political party system. It offers a choice.

If all these then are the dominant features of Democracy what is it worth? There is no need for me here to relate the sad tale of the decline of Democracy and the rise of nations which seek to undermine all that it stands for. Suffice it to say that much of the fault can be traced to ourselves, of our losing faith in Democracy amidst poverty and backwardness, ignorance and fear.

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Democracy essentially means choice and we can choose only if there is an alternative or are alternatives,” Adenan Satem. Credit: Pixabay

Brothels and sex workers in Sarawak under Brooke rule

Did you know that when Sarawak was under the reign of the Brooke family (1841-1946), there were regulations to keep the local sex industry in check?

Here are 10 things you need to know about prostitution in Sarawak during Brooke time.
1.The back alleys of Kuching’s Carpenter Street was known for its brothels.

Besides brothels, the street was once known for opium dens and gambling houses.

There are no other records found of possible brothels in Kuching or other parts of Sarawak.

2.There is no proper record on the number of brothels or of prostitutes in the country.

Actually, there is no proper record found on prostitution in Sarawak back then.

According to archivist Loh Chee Yin in The Sarawak Gazette on May 31, 1965, the revenue and expenditure reports over the period concerned do not indicate under which headings the licence fees from brothel keepers and prostitutes are classed.

He further stated, “The annual reports of the Medical Department of the same period do not even mention the number of prostitutes examined over the year, though they give detailed reports on lunatics and lepers.”

3.The first order referring to prostitution was issued on Sept 30, 1867.

If there was no record of legal prostitution, how do we know such activities exist in the first place?

When the first White Rajah had already left Sarawak and his nephew Charles was acting Rajah, there was a royal order referring to prostitution issued in 1867.

With the heading of ‘Contagious Diseases’, the order however was not directed towards the prostitutes but the Dayak fortmen instead.

It read, “Should any Dyak fortment wish to return to their homes on leave of absence, or on discharge, if suspected of having venereal disease they must be taken to the Medical Officer for examination, and should it be the case that any such disease has been contracted they are to be detained until cured.

“Strict attention is to be paid to this order; the necessary information as to the health of the men can be obtained from non-commissioned officers.”

4.In April 1886, more regulations were implemented to control the spread of venereal diseases.

Here are the summary of the regulations:

A)Any woman suffering from a venereal disease would not be permitted to practice as a prostitute and any man having the same disease would be forbidden to have connection with any woman.
B)A prostitute found at the usual fortnightly examination to be suffering from a venereal disease would be placed under treatment until cured. She had to pay the following fees – $1 for first consultation; 50 cent for every subsequent consultation plus charges for medicines.

5.Six years later in 1892, the fortnightly compulsory medical examination for prostitutes became voluntary.

Nonetheless, the Brooke government imposed heavier penalties ($50 fine or six months imprisonment) on brothel keepers and prostitutes for spreading sexual transmitted disease.

Furthermore, prostitutes from abroad had to undergo medical examination before the government allowed them entry permits.

6.Who were the migrant prostitutes back then?

Since there was no record, it is impossible to know who they were and where they came from.

However, there were records of Japanese immigrants coming in since 1915. Reportedly, some Japanese women were working in the red-light district of Kuching. The red-light districts could be referring to the back alley of Carpenter street.

7.In 1898, the Contagious Diseases Order was further amended.

These are the amendment made on the order:

A)Dayak fortmen on transfer to outstations were to be medically examined before leaving.
B)Medical examination of prostitutes was again compulsory. Additionally, it was to be done once a week instead of fortnightly.
C)Prostitutes found to have venereal diseases were to be detained until cured.
D)All brothels were to be registered at the police station and duly licensed.
E)Every brothel keeper had to supply to the police a list of the names and nationalities of the women in his brothel.
F)The inspector of police had right of entry to any brothel for purpose of checking.

8.Charles Brooke was scared that the Dayak girls in Kuching mission schools would turn to prostitution upon graduation.

He once wrote in a letter, “I ask, what is it to be their future when they are grown-up? One thing very certain is they will never be able to live in their own country again or marry their own race nor be able to farm or do the work of Dyak women in their own land – separated from their own people -they will become waifs – to be prostitutes.

I should be sorry to think that this is what our Dyak girls will come to but it is in my opinion almost a certainty if they are educated in Kuching away from they own people to country.”

Charles then cited examples from the mission schools of Singapore and Penang where school girls were the occupants of the brothels or who ever were enticed there at night time.

Consequently, the second White Rajah ordered that the handful of Dayak girls in the Anglican and Roman Catholic schools in Kuching be sent home.

9.In 1927, the Women and Girls’ Protection Order was enacted.

The order was to make provision for the protection of women and girls. Plus, it made provision for the suppression of abuse in connection with prostitutes.

In addition to that, the government issued protection tickets to the prostitutes. On this ticket stated, “Whenever a prostitute has any grievance, she may come to the Protectorate, District Office, or Police Office, and complain. Anyone daring to prevent her will be arrested and punished. These tickets are to be always kept by you on the person.”

Who would have thought prostitutes during Brooke reign had their rights protected more than a lot of people these days?

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Do you think brothels in the olden days had a sign similar to this? Credits: Pixabay.
10.There were notices posted in brothels informing prostitutes of their rights back then.

“Women and girls! If any of you have been kidnapped, purchased, seduced, deceived, or pledged for money; or have been forced to swear before entering the brothel that you will act as prostitutes for a certain term of year- understand clearly that anyone who has committed any of these offences against you, and is detaining you in a brothel against your wishes, is acting in contravention of the Orders of the State will, if detected, be punished.

If therefore you have any grievance, do not be afraid to tell the Protector on his visit of inspection or come in person to this office or go to the police station and report the matter at any time you please. If you want to leave the brothel the government will certainly let you do what you like and will not allow you to be detained against your will. All persons residing in the State of Sarawak are free agents and cannot be kept under the restraint of others. Be all of you then watchful! Be not deceived by anyone! Observe this notice!

Office of Protector.”

Do you anymore information about prostitution in Sarawak during Brooke time? Share with us in the comment box.

“Tuan’s Lament”, a war song written by Semut operatives during WWII

A war song is any musical composition that relates to war or a society’s attitudes towards war.

Sometimes a war song can be pro-war or antiwar while some are just description of lives during war time.

Do you know when Operation Semut took place in 1945 during War World II (WWII), the operatives composed a song about their lives in Sarawak?

The operation was a series of reconnaissance operations carried out by Australia’s Z Special Unit.

About Operation Semut

Launched in mid-1945 by the Australian Services Reconnaissance Department (SRD), the operation had two main missions.

First was to gather intelligence and to train the indigenous people in launching guerrilla warfare against the Japanese.

Overall, the operation was considered a remarkable success. It was estimated there were about 1,500 Japanese casualties with 240 captured under Operation Semut. These were inflicted by a force of around 82 Allied soldies and 200 local guerrillas.

While there were no casualties amongst the Z Special Unit members, about 30 local heroes were killed during combat.

Awm P00560.001 Major G S Carter and Semut II team
Photograph of Major G. S. Carter (centre) with Semut 2 operatives. Credits: From Australian War Memorial website, Public Domain.
About “Tuan’s Lament”

“Tuan’s Lament” written during Operation Semut is sung in the tune of “The Mountains of Morne” by Irish musician Percy French.

The lyrics were published in The Sarawak Gazette on Jan 31, 1965 under the article “From an old War Chest”.

Going through the lyrics now, readers could at least catch a glimpse what the operatives went through 75 years ago.

“Tuan’s Lament” chorus mentions ‘Charlie the Raj’ which most probably refers to Charles Vyner Brooke, the third White Rajah of Sarawak.

See the war in the eyes of Semut operatives through the lyrics of “Tuan’s Lament”:

Verse 1
Away in the east far out o’er the sea
There’s a place named Sarawak, a great mystery
They said you will go and fight the foe there
We answered ‘For Charlie we’d fight anywhere’.

Chorus
Charlie the Raj
Charlie the Raj
Its all in the service of Charlie the Raj

Verse 2
Our ideals were high and our hearts very large
We left home and comforts to fight for the Raj
To relieve the oppressed was our guiding aim
But we found ourselves players in a far different game

Verse 3
We arrived in Sarawak so strange and so dark
Where collecting of skulls is the lads favourite lark
Each house has its quota, smoked to a turn
At the first glimpse of this for the homeland you yearn

Verse 4
The first thing they told us was ‘here you must stay’
And work for dear Charlie on a dollar a day
The rate they arrived at was decided by Fish*
They dare not pay less ‘cos the coolies get this.

Verse 5
We chased round the country- the Japs on the run
The natives decided to join in the fun
With sumpits and parangs they did rather well
The ‘heathen’ decided Sarawak was hell.

Verse 6
The Japs soon discovered that no man can spare
Lebeh satu kapala and a handful of hair
To join honoured ancestors Jap not lose face
If stop in this country just not in the race

Verse 7
The ‘heathen’ surrendered and now he has gone
But for Charlie the Rajah we still carry on
But now we are tired we don’t want to roam
So Charlie, dear Charlie, oh please send us home.

*Fish here may be a nickname for J.C.B. Fisher

What went down in Bekenu during the Brunei Revolt 1962

Bekenu is a small fishing town near Miri at the northeastern part of Sarawak. It is a humble town with many of the shophouses dating from the 1930s.

Many might not remember that this small town witnessed an important historical event during the Brunei Revolt 1962.

The Brunei Revolt was an insurrection to oppose Brunei inclusion in the Federation of Malaysia.

The insurgents were members of the North Kalimantan National Army (TNKU), a militia linked to the Brunei People’s Party (BPP) and supplied by Indonesia.

At that time, the town was briefly taken over by the rebels.

Brunei Revolt in Niah

The rebellion first broke out at 2am on Dec 8, 1962. The rebels attacked police stations throughout Brunei, the fifth division of Sarawak along the the western edge of Sabah.

Then came the news that Bekenu was in rebel hands and there was also uncertainty as to the situation in Niah.

C Company from 99th Gurkha Infantry Brigade under Major Mark Pennell was sent to deal with the situation in Niah.

During the Brunei Revolt, hundreds of Dayaks were immediately called to help fight and contain the rebels.

The Ibans decorated their longboats with bright red feathers and set off by river to Niah.

By the time that C Company arrived in Niah by river, there was no sign of rebel forces.

Reportedly, after hearing the Iban party was about to arrive, the rebels made their escape to the jungle.

Brunei Revolt
This photograph was taken at the height of the Brunei Revolt on December 10th 1962. It shows soldiers of the 1st Queen’s Own Highlanders unloading stores from a 34 Squadron Beverley shortly after the British had seized the airport. Credit: British Empire.
Brunei Revolt in Bekenu

Meanwhile, the mission to liberate Bekenu fell under B Company.

Under the command of Major David Mostyn, the company approached on foot, arriving in Bekenu early morning of Dec 13, 1962.

It took them 16 hours of hiking along the coast through mangrove swamp from Tanjung Batu in Bintulu to the west of Bekenu.

The moment they arrived in Bekenu, the soldiers engaged in a brief firefight with the rebels who then fled downriver. There, they were ambushed by another platoon.

During the operation, six rebels were killed, six captured and about 10 escaped into the jungle.

For the next three to four days, patrols went up and down the river searching for escaped rebels.

Overall the operation to secure Bekenu during the Brunei Revolt was considered an immediate success.

Lesson to learn from the Brunei Revolt, especially in Bekenu, according to Tom Harrisson

One of the lessons from the Brunei Revolt taught Sarawak was that greater attention should be paid to the small racial groups.

Sarawak’s then museum curator Tom Harrisson was in charge of all irregular forces in the Sibuti, Baram, Upper Limbang and Trusan headwaters to prevent rebels from escaping into the interior during the Brunei Revolt.

According to Harrisson, looking at what happened in Bekenu where the rebellion gained support from the local Kedayans, in the modern world one small group can break up the whole of pattern of a nation.

“Some people have asked me if there are any lessons Sarawak can learn from this revolt. Well, of course, there are all sort of lessons for the administration and intelligence and so on which are right above my head. But in my mild capacity as government ethnologist and curator of the Sarawak museum, there is an ethnological problem that comes of this- that is you cannot afford to ignore small racial groups,” Harrisson wrote in an article published in 1963.

He continued, “The Kedayans have played a major role in this. There are only about less than 10,000 of them in Sarawak but they have not been taken into account. There are practically no responsible Kedayans in any positions. They are not represented adequately in government and this applies equally to many other group in the north.”

He then gave an example of how large groups of Sarawak back then were given attention not only in administration but over the radio where only they had programs.

“Although the population of people like the Kedayans, the Kayans, the Kenyahs, Kelabits and Muruts are relatively small, they occupy enormous area of this country,” Harrisson wrote.

“In my view, what happened at Bekenu, among the Kedayans there, who I know quite well and who are extremely industrious farmers, is that they did get completely confused and misled. They are guilty all the same, no one is denying that, but there is a lesson that the same sort of thing can happen widely and I do not think the argument is sufficient that this group is small one, therefore we can ignore it.”

By Dec 17, some 40 rebels were dead and 3,400 were captured, putting an end to the rebellion. Though the rebellion was cut short, it is seen as one of the first stages of the Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation.

The migration of Indonesian romusha to Malaysian Borneo during WWII

‘Romusha’ is actually a Japanese word for labourer. However during World War II (WWII), it specifically referred to forced labourers during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia.

According to the US Library of Congress, it was estimated in Java between 4 to 10 million romusha were forced to work by the Japanese military.

Indonesia during Japanese occupation

The experience in Indonesia during World War II varied depending on where one lived and one’s social status.

Those who lived in areas considered important to the war effort such as Balikpapan or Tarakan (for their oilfields) experienced torture, sex slavery, execution and war crimes.

Amal Beach Tarakan 3
Pantai Amal, where the Japanese landed at Tarakan in North Kalimantan.

The romusha’s services were supposed to be voluntary but in reality many were recruited against their will.

Some were taken from their homes while others were even seized in the middle of a movie in theaters.

Most of them were put to work through threats and violence.

If they were lucky, they were put to work on Java island itself. The unfortunate ones were those who werw sent to work outside Java.

These locations included New Guinea, Malaya, Singapore, Thailand, Burma, British Borneo (current day Sabah and Sarawak), Indochina and Hong Kong.

Regardless of the locations, these romusha were forced to work under harsh conditions with insufficient food, shelter or medical care.

They were often treated worse than Prisoners of War (POWs) from Allied countries.

COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Japanse invasie op Java TMnr 10001990
Japanese invastion of Java. Credits: Creative commons.
Romusha in British Borneo

There is no exact number on how many romusha were sent to Borneo island during WWII. It is understood that they came here to work on oilfields and build facilities such as airstrips.

Richard Wallace Braithwaite in his book Fighting Monsters: An Intimate History of the Sandakan Tragedy gave one rough number.

“One estimate is that 31,700 Javanese were sent to North Borneo and another 48,700 to South Borneo. This occurred mainly in 1944. They constructed airfields in British Borneo, worked in the oilfields at Miri, and were used elsewhere in Borneo hacking tunnels and storage facilities out of rock.”

It was also reported there were about 3,000 Javanese romusha working in Sandakan airstrip alone during WWII.

Braithwaite further noted,

“Many romusha died in the transport ships before they reached their destination. While the Japanese kept good records, most records were destroyed after capitulation. The mortality rate for those who were sent outside was 74.3 per cent. However, only 5,000 survived of those who went to British Borneo, a much higher mortality rate of 85 per cent.”

Shigeru Sato in War, Nationalism and Peasants: Java Under the Japanese Occupation, 1942-1945 gave a different estimate number for North Borneo.

He wrote,

“Sending of Javanese labourers overseas was done mostly within the 1944 fiscal year. Like other commodities, the supply of labourers from Java fell below the levels set in the initial plan due to shipping difficulties. In the case of North Borneo, for which 17,000 men were approved for the year 1944, the total number of romusha who arrived from Java during the entire occupation period was 9,000 according to one estimate between 12,000 and 13,000 according to another.”

So did the romusha in Borneo return to Java after WWII?

After the end of WWII in September 1945, the Dutch Indies government established the Nederlandsh Bureau voor Documentatie en Repatrieering van Indonesiers (Netherlands Bureau for Documentation and Repatriation of Indonesians, or NEBUDORI).

This was to register, care for, and repatriate displaced Indonesians, most of whom were Javanese romusha.

The Japanese on the other hand did not make much effort to repatriate Indonesian romusha.

According to Shigeru, the repatriation of romusha by the Dutch began in May 1946, and by April 1947, a total of 52,117 Javanese romusha had been repatriated from Singapore, Malaya, Thailand, Indochina, Borneo, Celebes, New Guinea, the Moluccas and the Lesser Sunda Islands.

However, the repatriation of Indonesian romusha was not an easy job.

According to Braithwaite, when it came to repatriation back to Java, the romusha were the lowest priorities of the Allies.

“Some refused to go on Dutch ships as the Indonesian revolution was well underway and they did not trust the Dutch. Some presumably thought that going into a revolutionary zone in Java was likely to be worse than their situation in Borneo. In the end, only about a thousand returned from British Borneo. It was 1947 before authorities made ships available to them. By then, most had found employment and many were married to local women and had children.”

A thousand reportedly only managed to return home to Java out of the estimated number of 5,000 to 13,000 that were sent here.

This meant many had either decided to call Sabah and Sarawak home after the war or died working as romushas.

Nobody knows the fate of every romusha

There is no way to confirm these. The Japanese did not keep proper records of the romusha system and those who died were often buried in unmarked graves.

Historians believed the brutality of the romusha is one of the main reasons for the mass death rates among Indonesians under the Japanese occupation.

With no proper records documenting their arrivals or departures and no tombstones to mark their graves, the lives and sufferings of romusha outside of Indonesia, particularly in Malaysian Borneo, can be easily lost amongst the current and future generations.

5 things you need to know about dragons in Iban folklore

Despite being a mythical creature, the dragon appears in various folklore of many cultures around the world.

In Western culture, it is typically depicted as winged, horned, four-legged and capable of breathing fire.

Meanwhile, dragons in Eastern culture are usually wingless (but capable of flight) short-legged, serpentine creatures.

Would it be interesting to know that the dragon in Iban folklore is a bit of both worlds?

Here are at least five things you should know about dragons in Iban folklore:
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A dragon in Iban folklore has a luminous stone in the centre of its brow that works like a flashlight. Credits: Pixabay.
1.The physical appearance of a dragon in Iban folklore

According to an Iban legend, the dragon or naga is a huge snake with a horn protruding from its forehead.

Unlike its fellow dragons from other folklore, an Iban dragon has a luminous bezoar or gombala stone in the centre of its brow. It works like a flashlight for the dragon to lights its way at night.

It also has several pairs of wings, legs, arms, eyes and sharp claws and teeth.

2.There are two species of dragons.

According to Iban ethnologist Benedict Sandin, there are two species of dragons in Iban folklore. One species loves the water so it lives in the sea, pool or in the river. Meanwhile, another species prefer the mountain top.

The one which lives on the mountain top kills with its crested tail. It can also spit venom and breathe fire .

3.It is believed that a dragon protected the Ibans during the infamous Cholera expedition

Benedict wrote in The Sarawak Gazette on Nov 30, 1964, “It was said by the Ulu Ai Ibans during the Cholera Expedition against Penghulu Bantin of Delok in 1902, before the arrival of the Government forces at the mouth for Delok river in the upper Batang Ai, that they saw a huge dragon track going down from the hill to the river. During the following night Bantin had a dream. He dreamt that he met a huge dragon which told him not to worry about the enemy as he (the dragon) would fight for him.”

Eventually, one fifth of the 10,000 men recruited to fight the alleged rebels died of Cholera hence the name ‘Cholera Expedition’.

4.A dragon also helped fight the Japanese during World War II

When an Iban leader, the late Temenggong Koh fought against the Japanese during World War II, he gave offerings to the dragon god seeking its protection.

Benedict shared, “It was due to this that whenever the late Temenggong Koh was worried by the enemy he would throw an offering into the river to appeal for immediate help from his dragon god. He did this during the fighting against the Japanese soldiers at the own of Song during liberation days in 1945.”

5.There is a guardian dragon cited in a mourning song

In the olden days, according to Benedict, the Iban believed that whenever a person died in this world, thousands of their relatives who died before them will come from the other world to fetch their soul to live with them in Mandai Mati.

“On their way to Mandai Mati, on reaching the Pintu Tanah (Door to Earth) which separates this world from the next, a guardian dragon is mentioned in the following mourning song,” he added.

Here is the English translation of the song:

Then spoke the maiden Simba
Who, when she died was transformed into a hawk
“Where are you maiden Jawai
Who wears a single red pelaga stone,
And you maiden Iyak,
Who is lively and gay?
Please open the door of the dragon snake;
The door of red soil;
So that we can have a way to return to our country,
In the forest full of small mango trees;
With flowers all upside down.

We have no time!
Replied the dragon snake,
Because we are doing most important work,
Having been asked by Pungga and Laja,
To weave for them coloured petticoats,
Which they will wear on a short expedition,
To the mouth of the Kantu river
If they return from thence,
They will bring for us two lumps
Of precious (gombala) stones,
As big as areca nuts.

How did Bintulu get its name?

Located in the central region of Sarawak, Bintulu was just a small village when James Brooke acquired it from the Brunei Sultanate in 1861.

Like most settlements ceded to Brooke, the first thing he did was build a fort in the area. In Bintulu, the Brooke government built a wooden fort name Fort Keppel named after the White Rajah’s friend Sir Henry Keppel.

In 1867, the first Sarawak Council Negri or General Council meeting was convened in Bintulu.

One of the earliest descriptions about Bintulu was written by Italian botanist Odoardo Beccari.

He arrived in Kemena River on Aug 13, 1867 using a gunboat named ‘Heartsease’.

After arriving in Bintulu, this was what he had to say about the town.

The fort of Bintulu which was built entirely of wood, was in somewhat ruinous condition. It stood nearly on the sea-shore, and just behind it, at a distance of few paces, the primeval forests commence.

Some chinamen had settled at the vicinity of the fort and had built a small bazaar; but the village is chiefly formed by the houses of the Melanau beyond the Chinese kampong (village).

These Melanaus used to live further up the river, but since the construction of the fort, and the installation of an officer of the Rajah near the mouth of the river, they came to settle near the sea – a thing they would never have dared to do in former days for fear of the attacks of the Lanun pirates and Dayak pirates.

Even during the 19th century, the area was known as Bintulu but how did the name come about?

Here are four legends on how Bintulu got her name:

Sarawak Legislative Assembly
In 1867, Kingdom of Sarawak’s first General Council meeting was held in Bintulu, making it the earliest legislative system in Malaysia. Today, a clock tower and a centenary stone remain as a reminder of where the meeting took place. 
1.Bintulu people had elongated heads?

One legend has it that in the olden days, Bintulu people had elongated heads. According to Chang Pat Foh in Legends and History of Sarawak, ‘bat’ means long and ‘ulau’ means head. Hence the name ‘bat ulau’ before the name Bintulu came about.

2.It was a place for drying skulls after headhunting

Additionally, Chang related another legend about Bintulu when headhunting was still a common practice.

The locals referred to headhunting as ‘milai’ while the process of drying and smoking the skull was called ‘betak’ in the local Melanau language.

There used to be site known as a place for drying the skulls in Bintulu where the locals called it ‘betak ulau’ or head drying place.

As time passed, the place’s name ‘betak ulau’ slowly evolved to Bintulu today.

3.A place to pick up skulls after headhunting

The third legend centered around headhunting. The act of picking up heads after headhunting was called ‘mentu ulau’. Sooner or later, people started to call the area ‘Mentulau’.

When the Brooke officials came, they allegedly interpreted the word ‘mentulau’ into ‘Bintulu’.

4.A place where sea and water mixed

“The fast running water from Sungai Jelalong and Sungai Tubau which flows into South China Sea mixes with the river water from Batang Kemana at the mouth of the river.

“Long ago, the people who stayed at Muara Batang Kemena gave the name ‘Ba Tulau’ to the place where they stayed. ‘Ba’ in Melanau Bintulu dialect means water whereas ‘tula’ means mixing. Hence, ‘Ba Tulau’ mean ‘mixing water,” Chang wrote.

Pasar Malam Bintulu
Bintulu Night Market

How Dayak climbers helped in foreign expeditions

We have often heard of Sherpas and Nepalese mountain climbers, but did you know that Dayak climbers from Borneo were often recruited by westerners during scientific expeditions?

These adventures took these Dayak climbers out of Borneo way back in the early part of the 20th century.

Hendrikus Albertus Lorents and his Dayak climbers/porters

Hendrikus Albertus Lorentz (1871-1944) was the first recorded explorer to hire Dayak climbers to accompany him in his expedition.

The Dutch explorer participated in three expeditions to New Guinea; the first was the North New Guinea Expedition in 1903, led by Arthur Wichmann. Lorentz himself led expeditions in 1907 and 1909-1910.

According to Tom Harrisson in an article “Kenyah above the Snow Line” published on The Sarawak Gazette (April 30, 1965), Lorentz recruited Dayak climbers to climb Puncak Jaya in 1909.

Known as Carstensz Peak back then, it is the highest mountain in Indonesia standing tall at 4,884 metres.

“The 1909 expedition was a Dutch race against a British group, sponsored by the British Ornithologists Union. Dutch leader Lorentz recruited 61 Dutch-Indonesian troops and 82 Bornean Dayaks, who were allowed to bring blowpipes and poison darts but not beheading swords,” Harrisson wrote.

More than a month after leaving their base, Lorentz and his party reached the snowfield of Puncak Jaya at 14,786 feet on Nov 8, 1909.

The first Kayan and Kenyah climbers to reach a snow capped mountain

Most records stated that Kenyah porters from Apo Kayan who helped Lorentz in his conquests.

According to Tom Harrisson, the six Dayak porters were actually Kenyahs and Kayans from the Batang Kayan and Mahakam, Indonesia.

Lorentz once wrote, “It is still incredible, as it was then, to think of us and our five Dayaks standing on that high white island.”

Though it is impossible to find out their identities today, it is right to say they might be the first Kayan and Kenyah climbers to reach a snow peaked mountain.

There is a photo of them on top of the mountain. It was published in “New Guinea: The Last Unknown” by Gavin Souter with one of the Dayak climbers covering his face with snow.

On the way down, Lorentz fell and got himself seriously injured. Thankfully, his Dayak climbers saved the day by bringing him down safely.

How Dayak climbers helped in other expeditions

Meanwhile, the British expedition got into serious difficulties and failed to reach to the top. Their expedition had 96 servants from Maluku, Indonesia and ten Gurkhas.

In 1912, the British Ornithologists Union tried again. Learning from the Dutch, the British also hired Dayak climbers to aid in their expedition.

Along with 74 Iban climbers partly from Sarawak, they reached the then record height of 14,866 feet of Puncak Jaya.

Later in 1938, American zoologist Richard Archbold dispatched two exploration teams into the Baliem Valley of New Guinea. Each team consisted of Dutch soldiers, convicts and Dayak porters from Kalimantan.

According to Harrisson, a large number of them were Kenyahs and Kayans from Apo Kayan “who among other things planted garden of beans and lettuce above 10,000 feet” during the expedition.

With their jungle survival skills and high-enduring stamina, it is understandable why foreign adventurers recruited Dayak climbers during such expeditions.

COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Een Ibu Dajak krijger uit Long Nawan Z. en O. afdeling Borneo. TMnr 60034031
Dayak warriors. Credit: Creative commons

How did rubber plantations become part of rural Sarawak?

In Malaysian history class, we learned that rubber plantations in the country was promoted by an Englishman named Henry Nicholas Ridley (1855-1956).

He was a botanist, naturalist, and geologist who spent most of his time in Singapore.

His career on this side of the globe started in 1888. He applied and was selected the first director of Gardens and Forests in the Straits Settlements.

Before he made his way here, he was to meet Italian botanist Odoardo Beccari to prepare for his new job.

After reaching Singapore, Ridley was in charge of introducing new plants of economical value to the region. Against popular belief, he was not the first person to introduce rubber to this part of the world as it was already introduced 10 years earlier by Sir Hugh Low.

However, he did establish the taping method for harvesting latex. He was also the one who heavily promoted rubber plantations in Malaya.

He was so passionate in promoting rubber planting that he was always stuffing rubber seeds into the pockets of everyone he met, with hopes that they would plant the seeds. That was how he earned the nickname “Mad Ridley”.

The first rubber tree planted in Sarawak was in the Anglican bishop’s garden in Kuching
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Rubber trees are tapped for their resins. Credits: Pixabay

While we learned a lot of Malaysian history in school, we only know a little about Sarawak’s own history with the rubber tree.

Ridley might not have been the one who promoted rubber in Sarawak as vigorously as he did in Malaya, but he did provide a written account of rubber planting in the state.

In September 1905, Ridley wrote an article which was published in the Agricultural Bulletin of the Straits Settlements.

He stated, “It would now be interesting to hear from the present Custodians of the gardens mentioned if the trees are still in existence, and to what girth they have attained at the sere and yellow age of 39 years.”

According to Ridley’s account, the first rubber trees planted in Sarawak were from seeds imported from the Botanic Gardens, Singapore. Reverend Bishop George Frederick Hose brought them in 1881. Bishop Hose was the uncle of Marudi resident, ethnologist and botanist Charles Hose.

He further stated, “One of these trees is still standing in the Bishop’s garden at Kuching and two more in the garden of the Resident. The former measures 6 feet 4 inches in girth at three feet from the ground and the others are nearly as large. The remainder of the trees have disappeared.”

The first rubber plantation in Sarawak

Ridley actually visited Sarawak four times, in 1903, 1904, 1914 and 1915. During his visits, Mad Ridley could not help but go out and see the rubber plantations.

The first rubber plantation he visited was the Coffee Estate on the slopes of Mount Matang. There, they planted the rubber trees together with coffee, tea and Mauritius hemp.

However according to Ridley, the rubber trees were in bad condition. Although the trees were five years old, they looked like the size of two-year-old trees.

“Many of the trees had fallen, others remained as dead stumps, or if alive bore only a few struggling leafy branches. Round Kuching, in the cemetery and along the roads, a good many para rubber trees have been planted lately, and seem to be doing fairly well, though it is too soon yet to form an opinion of them.”

Based on Ridley’s observation of rubber planting in Sarawak, the soils were too sandy.

“The greater part of the hills of Sarawak, at least that portion which I have seen, are sandstone or limestone, and a great area of the diluvium of the lower country is therefore very sandy. But the Lundu hills which I visited are granite, compose of a fine-grained granite. The soil here is less sandy and more argillacuous, with sandy mounds or small hills scattered about it. This seemed to be the most suitable ground for para rubber I saw in Sarawak. Another likely spot is long the Kucing river near Santubong, I had not time to visit this, but head that somewhere here Chinese were planting para rubber.

The first rubber export in Sarawak and the Rubber Boom
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Natural rubber sheets in drying priocess. Credits: Pixabay.

Based on a report from 1962, the first rubber was exported from Sarawak in 1910.

When the world price of rubber hit historic highs during that decade (the first time in 1905-1906, followed by another boom in 1909-1910), Sarawak got hit by rubber fever.

Then Simanggang Resident AB Ward observed in his memoirs that 1911-1912 were the Planting Eras, as “Natives caught the rubber infection badly. Malays planted all the land they could. Dyaks followed suit, and rubber banished all thoughts of tribal warfare and headhunting.”

Professor Rob Cramb in Land and longhouse: Agrarian Transformation in the Uplands of Sarawak describes how the Saribas Iban took advantage of the money-making opportunity in rubber.

“Initially it was the wealthier Iban communities with a large land base and an accumulated surplus from the gutta and coffee booms which embarked on rubber planting.”

He also cites examples of early enterprising farmers like Tuai Rumah Budin in Stambak, who planted over 4,000 seedlings his son Lumpoh brought back from Singapore, and Penghulu Saang who planted his rubber in Pelandok in the Paku branch of the Saribas in 1912.

Although the price of rubber fell sharply after 1910, it nonetheless became the main agricultural export of the country until the late 1960s.

Unlike Malaya and other rubber producing countries, the kingdom was relatively late in establishing rubber plantations, as the Brookes favoured smallholders and were reluctant to give indigenous farmland to European companies.

During Charles Brooke’s reign, only five large rubber estates were established.

By 1941 before the World War II, there were 236,557 acres of rubber plantations in Sarawak.

The Dayak-Madurese conflicts in Kalimantan, and what led up to them

Even as a kid growing up in Malaysia, particularly Sarawak, there’s a big chance you might have heard about the bloody interracial conflicts going on in Kalimantan between their native Dayak groups and the Madurese people.

The Dayak-Madurese conflicts caught the attention of international media during the late 90s and early 2000s, with coverage on the massacres featured in The Washington Post and The Guardian, among others.

To begin looking back at these events, we have to start with the transmigration programme.

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A Dayak Iban longhouse in West Kalimantan.
What was the transmigration programme?

Started by the Dutch colonial government, the transmigration programme was an initiative to move landless people from densely populated areas of Indonesia to less populous areas of the country.

This included moving people permanently from Java, Bali and Madura to less densely populated areas like Papua, Kalimantan, Sumatra and Sulawesi.

It was first started in the early 19th century to reduce overcrowding as well as to provide labour for plantations in Sumatra.

Then the Dutch colonial government demolished the programme during the end of its rule. However, the Indonesian government brought back the programme following Indonesian independence.

The rise of the Dayak-Madurese conflicts

The Madurese started to migrate into Borneo in the 1930s, so there had been Madurese people living in Borneo for about 70 years until these conflicts started.

Several reasons have been put forward to explain the violence between these two communities.

Most scholars and observers had perceived that ethnic tensions had long been simmering.

In an article published by non-profit organisation Cultural Survival, Rachel Leff explained that due to the 32-year authoritarian rule of President Suharto, the conflicts were kept in check for fear of military intervention.

Leff added, “When Suharto was forced from his office in Indonesia, old animosities erupted in violence.”

Besides this, there is another reason which triggered the interracial riots. This is an explanation popular among Indonesians. The outbreaks were reportedly provoked by supporters of Suharto who planned to undermine the democratic elections slated for June 7, 1999.

The third explanation behind the conflicts is the economic crisis affecting the country. In the second half of 1997, Indonesia was the country hardest hit by the Asian economic crisis.

Facing financial difficulties, both Dayaks and Malays blamed the Madurese for stealing jobs from them.

According to Huub de Jonge and Gerben Nooteboom who made a study of the ethnic clashes in Kalimantan, the Madurese had become better off economically because of their attitude to work.

The scholars wrote, “The Madurese tended to accept any available work; for example, they were willing to collect garbage in the cities and break up rocks for the construction of roads. They would do anything to work their way up. Used as they were to hard work and saving, they were often more successful than others in similar work. And this frequently led to amazement and jealousy among other ethnic groups.”

The Sambas Riots

One of the major Dayak-Madurese conflicts happened in Sambas district of West Kalimantan province in 1999.

Before this, the last major conflicts had occurred between December 1996 and January 1997.

During these riots, Madurese were mutilated, raped and killed by aggressors from the Malay and Dayak communities while the government did little to stop the violence.

The Sampit Conflict

Just like the Sambas Riots, the Sampit conflict in 2001 was not an isolated incident. The last major conflict occurred between December 1996 and January 1997.

The conflict in Sampit broke out on Feb 18, 2001 when two Madurese were attacked by the Dayaks. It resulted in more than 500 deaths with over 100,000 Madurese displaced from their homes.

There is no one version why this conflict broke out. One version claims the riot was caused by an arson attack on a Dayak house. Then rumours spread that the Madurese caused the fire leading a group of Dayaks to burn houses in a Madurese neighbourhood.

Meanwhile, a professor from Dayak People’s Association claimed that the massacres by the Dayaks were in self defence.

He specifically cited an incident in which a Dayak was tortured and killed by a gang of Madurese following a gambling dispute in Kerengpangi on Dec 17, 2000.

Meanwhile, another version claims that the conflict started in a brawl between students of different races at the same school.

The Dayak also decapitated at least 300 Madurese during the Sampit conflict.

In the end, the conflict resulted in more than 500 deaths with over 100,000 Madurese displaced from their homes.

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A Dayak longhouse in Kalimantan. Credits: Pixabay.
Violence fueled by spirit possession?

Besides the long history of headhunting among the Dayak community, another theory behind the level of violence in these conflicts is that it is influenced by local cultural patterns. Researcher Anika Konig from University of Lubeck in Germany pointed out one element of these local cultural patterns is spirit possession.

Based on research in a Kanayatn Dayak village in the conflict region, many of them there claimed spirit possession had played a central role in the riots.

Konig stated, “While possession by spirits in ordinary life is highly undesirable and dangerous situation which causes illness, possession was actively sought by the Dayaks who participated in the violence against the Madurese.”

According to the Dayaks, spirit possession awarded them with supernatural abilities and extraordinary strength.

Konig also noted, “Since the spirits’ favourite food is human flesh and blood, it was this that the spirits demanded from the warriors in return for their help. And it was, accordingly, the spirits who made the men perform these forms of violence.”

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A Dayak man from Kalimantan in warrior attire. Credits: Pixabay.
Why the Madurese?

The transmigration program had led the migration into Borneo from other ethnic groups such as the Javanese. But why were the Madurese targeted?

de Jonge and Nooteboom who interviewed many Dayak, Malay, Buginese and Banjarese informants, said that these people believed that the Madurese immigrants had not adapted to their new social environment and had a tendency to look down on others.

“Their behaviour is said to be arrogant, short-tempered, macho-like, rude, uncivilised, unfair, avaricious and revengeful.”

In the meantime, many of the Madurese born in Kalimantan blamed this negative image on newcomers.

They claimed that the newcomers from Madura did not know how to behave. Furthermore, some of the newcomers were reportedly members of criminal gangs involved in illegal logging, operating brothels and gambling dens. Some of them even smuggled consumer goods from Sarawak into the country.

Were the Madurese used as a scapegoat?

Again, why the Madurese? Firstly, de Jonge and Nooteboom pointed out that there was evidence that there were economical competitions among the Malays, Dayak and Madurese, particularly in terms of agricultural resources.

However, the competition, especially in West Kalimantan where most of the violence occurred, was not restricted to the economic field.

During the Suharto years, the Dayak and to a lesser degree, Malays had to hand over powerful positions in the provincial bureaucracy to civil servants (often Javanese) from outside Kalimantan.

Furthermore, huge tracts of land in Kalimantan were sold for oil palm, mining and other activities, as industrial-scale efforts to cultivate and develop the land for commercial purposes were implemented, leading to the 1997 Indonesian forest fires (reputed to be the worst in known history) and the Southeast Asian Haze.

On top of having their traditional territory appropriated by outsiders for large scale projects, the Dayaks were reportedly not compensated adequately for their land which was the source of their livelihood and survival.

With all these factors against them, de Jonge and Nooteboom believed that the Madurese were picked as a scapegoat.

“They were a small, controversial and vulnerable group, whose comings and goings incited resentment, who were involved in a series of both small and larger violent incidents, and about whom negative stereotypes abounded.”

Although the Madurese differences to other ethnic groups were largely imagined, they formed a fertile basis on which to continue the violence.

Like any riots in everywhere in the world, once the violence begins, nobody can really pinpoint a single cause for the conflict.

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