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World War II

The Japanese Building of Kuching: What you need to know about this historical landmark

Do you know there is a Japanese building in Kuching?

When the Japanese forces first landed in Miri on Dec 16, 1941, they had successfully captured Kuching by Christmas day.

For over three years, the Japanese occupied Sarawak where the Imperial Forces introduced Japanisation, requiring the locals to learn Japanese language and customs.

Despite these efforts, only a few remnants of the Japanese occupation can still be seen to this day in Kuching.

One of them is Batu Lintang camp which was originally the British Indian Army barracks, while the other stands between India Street and Carpenter Street and was aptly named The Japanese Building.

Japanese Building
Do you recognise it? The Japanese building is the only building built by the Imperial Army which exists to this day.

The Japanese Building, an administrative centre for Japanese forces

During World War II, Lieutenant General Marques Toshinari Maeda was elected the first commander of the Japanese forces for northern Borneo.

Initially, his headquarters were in Miri before he decided to move them to Kuching.

In Kuching, the Japanese used the Old Courthouse as their administrative centre. Then in 1941, they decided to build a building – The Japanese Building – to link the Old Courthouse and the Treasury Building.

The Treasury Building was built in 1929 purposefully for the offices of Treasury and Audit departments.

Japanese Building of KuchingBefore this building existed, there was a road connecting Carpenter Street and Indian Street passing between the Old Courthouse and the Treasury Building.

The blood and sweat of Prisoners of War (POWs)

The Japanese Building was built with the blood and sweat of POWS who were interned at Batu Lintang Camp.

They had to walk 3 miles in the morning from the camp to the site and walk back again in the evening.

Besides building this administrative centre, POWs together with male civilian internees were also forced to work at Kuching harbour, 7th Mile landing ground and other sub-camps.

Most POWs were Brookes’ officers, officers from North Borneo, Royal Netherlands East Indies Army officers, British Indian Army personnel and Netherlands East Indies soldiers.

Meanwhile, the civilian internees were Roman Catholic priests and missionaries as well as British civilians.

The Japanese paid those who were part of the work party with “camp dollars”. There were also called “banana money” because the picture of banana trees printed on the notes.

Life after World War II

Japanese building in Kuching
Photo taken in Kuching on 24 Sept, 1945-09-24. A party of Japanese arrived by barge at Kuching from Natoena Islands to surrender. They were disarmed and searched on the Borneo Wharf and later allowed to proceed upriver to Bau, the concentration area for all Japanese Prisoners of Wars (POWs). Australian troops and natives gatehred at wharf gate to watch the disarming and searching of Japanese POWs. Photographer Sergeant F. A. C. Burke. Courtesy of Australian War Memorial.

After the Japanese surrendered unconditionally on Aug 15, 1945, the building was first used as the court’s library.

Over the years, it has served different purposes by various parties. Although the inside of the building is inaccessible to the public on a daily basis, it still opens its doors occasionally.

Located awkwardly between two of Brooke’s buildings, the Japanese Building is the only construction built by the Japanese Army that still exists in Kuching.

The Japanese Building of Kuching
The front alley of the Japanese Building.

Read more about Toshinari Maeda’s unfortunate fate here.

Albert Kwok, the courageous Kuchingite who led the Kinabalu Guerrillas during WWII

Although Albert Kwok was born in Kuching, Sarawak, the traces of his legacy lie 800km away in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah.

Described as “neat, clean shaven, a man of superabundant energy and made many friends” by Stephen R. Evans in his book Sabah (North Borneo) Under the Rising Sun Government, Kwok was the leader of Kinabalu Guerrillas, a group of resistance fighters during the Japanese occupation of Borneo.

Albert Kwok’s early life

Kinabalu Guerrillas
Albert Kwok’s portrait (top left) displayed together with the other freedom fighters at Sabah State Museum.

Born in Kuching in 1921 to a dentist father, Kwok was sent to China to study traditional Chinese medicine in the late 1930s.

He moved to Kota Kinabalu which was then known as Jesselton on May 15, 1941 where he lived with his sister and brother-in-law.

It is believed that Kwok’s mother, brother and his other sister were still living in Kuching during that time.

The birth of Kinabalu Guerrillas

When the Japanese force started its offence against Jesselton, the town was defended by only 650 men of the North Borneo Armed Constabulary.

By 9 Jan 1942, the whole town was occupied by the Japanese.

A month later, Kwok wanted to establish connections with the Allied movements particularly the United States Forces in the Philippines (USFIP).

USFIP was the only sole armed resistance movement in the region which had firearms.

He managed to make his way to Tawi-Tawi in the Philippines where he trained under the command of Filipino Lieutenant Colonel Alejandro Suarez.

A year later in May 1943, Kwok returned to Jesselton and tried to contact Overseas Chinese Defence Association (OCDA).

Then in June 1943, he was back in Philippines again where he was appointed Lieutenant on July 1 by the US Army.

Kwok returned to North Borneo again only with three pistols and a box of hand grenades.

With a limited supply of firearms, he started a resistance group on 21 Sept 1943.

The group initially called themselves the Chinese National Salvation Association (CNSA), a branch of the ODCA.

However with more members of indigenous peoples, Eurasians and Sikh Indians of Jesselton joining in, the group renamed themselves theKinabalu Guerrillas Defence Force.

"Kinabalu Guerrillas"
Albert Kwok, the leader of a resistance fighter known as the “Kinabalu Guerrillas”

The Double Tenth Revolt

Only armed with parangs, spears and kris, the Kinabalu Guerrillas launched their attacks from Oct 9, 1943.

With about 300 guerrilla fighters, the revolt was aided by the Bajau-Suluk leaders such as Panglima Ali (Sulug island), Jemalul (Mantanani islands), Arshad (Udar island) and Saruddin (Dinawan island) attacking from the sea.

The Kinabalu Guerrillas had the element of surprise: They temporarily succeeded reclaiming Jesselton, Tuaran and Kota Belud with 50 to 90 Japanese casualties.

Evans wrote, “The following morning, all the main buildings in Kota Kinabalu (Jesselton) right up to Tuaran, were fully decorated with flags to celebrate the Double Tenth (Oct 10). They were the Sabah Jack (North Borneo Union Jack), the Union Jack, the United States Of America and the Chinese flag.

“The people celebrated the feast in freedom.”

The aftermath

The celebration did not last long. The Japanese started to reinforce themselves with troops coming in from Kuching.

Kwok and his Kinabalu Guerrillas was forced to retreat but the fight continued for the next three months.

The Japanese launched a series of bombings from Kota Belud to Membakut, burning down villages and killing around 2000-4000 civilians.

After being threatened with the possibility that more civilians would be killed, the top members – including Kwok – surrendered themselves to the Japanese on 19 Dec 1943.

The execution of the Kinabalu Guerrillas

While in prison, Kwok was tortured and questioned. Survivors who were imprisoned with him said that he suffered quietly, taking the responsibility of the Double Tenth Revolt.

He reportedly tried to commit suicide but failed.

On 21 Jan 1944, 176 people were executed. Not all of them were members of the Kinabalu Guerrillas; some were just civilians deemed guilty by the Japanese.

Kwok, Charles Peter, Chen Chau Kong, Kong Tse Phui, and Li Tet Phui were among those who were beheaded that day.

Other members including Jules Stephens, Panglima Ali and Rajah George Sinnadurai were shot to death.

The site of their executions is where the Petagas War Memorial now stands.

Kinabalu Guerrillas 2
A kempeitai (Japanese police) would wear this headgear and leggings during World War II.

Read more:

Toshinari Maeda, the Japanese nobleman who died off the coast of Bintulu during WWII

Toshinari Maeda and his ‘mysterious’ death in 1942 Bintulu

Bintulu, once a sleepy fishing village on the island of Borneo is largely known today for its booming oil and gas industry.

What lies deep down in the seabed off its coast is not just large reserves of natural gas, however, but a silent witness to one of the most mysterious air crashes during World War II.

A tragedy, mostly forgotten by many.

Maeda Toshinari
A photo of Toshinari Maeda By Kamakura Museum of Literature, Public Domain

Toshinari Maeda – a samurai lord in Borneo

Toshinari Maeda was a Japanese marquis and a military general. Born to the former daimyo of Nanokaichi Domain* in Kozuke province (modern Tomioka city) in 1885, he was later adopted as the heir to the main branch of the Maeda clan in 1900.

The Maeda clan ruled the Kaga Domain from 1583 until 1868 and was one of the most powerful samurai families in Japan. The clan became daimyo (feudal lords)  during the Edo period.

He became the 16th head of the Maeda clan on June 13, 1900.

*Domain or han is the Japanese historical term for the estate of a warrior after the 12th century of a daimyo in the Edo period (1603-1868) and early Meiji period (1868-1912).

Toshinari Maeda’s military career and death

Maeda had served as a battalion commander in the 4th Regiment of the Imperial Guard of Japan. He had also served as military attache to Great Britain from 1927 till 1930 and had actually retired from active military duty in 1939.

He was later called out of retirement to command operations in Borneo on April 1942 after the Pacific War broke out. By then, Sarawak had already been under Japanese occupation since Christmas Eve of 1941.

During World War II, the lieutenant-general became the first commander of the Borneo Defence Army which encompassed Japanese forces in northern Borneo (Sarawak, Brunei, Labuan and North Borneo).

His office of the Borneo Head of Military Defence Army,  at first headquartered in Miri, was then moved to Kuching according to his orders.

On Sept 5, 1942, after witnessing the execution of five men at Padungan, Kuching for allegedly stealing petrol,  he boarded a plane with two other officers to Labuan to officiate an airport named after him.

They never arrived.

A month later, the plane he was on was found to have crashed off the coast of Tanjung Batu in Bintulu.

Maeda was 57 years old.

The island of Labuan itself had been renamed Maeda Island or Pulau Maeda during the Japanese occupation in remembrance of the marquis. Maeda had also been promoted to ‘General’ posthumously.

A sunset view of Tanjung Batu where Toshinari Maeda was believed to have crashed.
A sunset view of Tanjung Batu where Toshinari Maeda was believed to have crashed.

Was it a curse that killed Toshinari Maeda?

The Japanese suspected the cause of the crash to be sabotage or suicide; but the Sarawak people attributed it to a curse brought on by Maeda himself.

In his post as commander of the Borneo Defence Force (which later became the 37th army), Maeda took up residence at the Astana.

John Beville Archer, a Batu Lintang camp internee and the last chief secretary to Rajah Vyner Brooke, in a June 1, 1948 issue of the Sarawak Gazette details how Maeda may have brought this curse down upon himself:

The main entrance of the Astana is the imposing and rather ancient tower overlooking the chief door to the palace.

Now there is a Brooke tradition that the exterior of this tower must not be whitewashed or renovated.

If this should occur, so runs the legend, some disaster will take place.

The tower had therefore became covered by an ivy-like creeper, and parts of the original building were crumbling in venerable decay.

The Japanese, vainglorious and victorious, saw fit to put this ruin into apple-pie order.

The creeper was torn down, masons, plasterers and white washers got busy.

Shortly afterwards Field Marshal Prince Maeda, cousin of the Emperor Sun god and Generalissimo, fell miserably to earth in a crashed plane somewhere round about Miri.

To this day, no one knows the cause of the crash and Maeda’s body was never found.

Toshinari Maeda’s legacy

After Borneo was liberated from Japanese occupation, Labuan assumed its former name. It became part of the North Borneo Crown Colony on 15 July 1946.

The Japanese had set up a Belian post at the beach of Tanjung Batu not far from the crash site in honor of Maeda, which was later taken back to Japan by the Maeda family after the Japanese occupation ended.

So now, there is no trace or anything in Sarawak to remember that the air crash ever happened.

But back in Japan, his former home built in Meguro, Tokyo in 1929 still survives to this day and part of the estate is now host to the Japan Museum on Modern Literature.

His former summer home in Kamakura is now used as the Kamakura Museum of Literature.

Photo courtesy of AJ Creations Photography.

John Beville Archer, the last Chief Secretary of Sarawak of Brooke-era

“As I stood there in the blinding sunlight memories of the Rajahs of Sarawak, of days of festivity, of new awakening, of stirring scenes, flitted through my mind. The timid young gawk of a cadet, who had landed so hopefully thirty-five years ago, who had wandered all over the country and done so many things in so many places and with such a willing heart, had now finished. As the drums rolled and the troops presented arms, I stood there in my disgraceful suit, hiding my battered old sun helmet down my side wondering if I would ever make it. Just as I was leaving my house I had sent a telegram to the Rajah. I said:

‘In a few minutes I shall hand over your State to His Majesty’s representative with full honours and ceremony. I have impressed upon all that the best way of showing their loyalty to you is to support the new government fully and work for the rehabilitation of the State. As your last Officer Administering the Government I wish your Highness and Her Highness the Ranee all happiness in your position.’

This was what John Beville Archer wrote in his autobiography ‘Glimpses of Sarawak between 1912 and 1946’ (1997) which was published posthumously.

In this particular part, he narrated what happened on July 1, 1946 when Sarawak was officially declared as a British crown colony.

The book was compiled and edited by Vernon L. Porritt who is known for his other works such as The Rise and Fall of Communism in Sarawak 1940-1990 and British Colonial Rule in Sarawak, 1946 and 1963.

Archer was born in 1893 and was recruited from the Channel Islands in the Sarawak Administrative Service by the second White Rajah Charles Brooke in 1912.

According to his obituary which was published in the Sarawak Gazette, Archer spent the first eight years of his service, apart from a brief interlude at Sadong (Serian), in the Third Division, mainly in the Coastal District.

“It was during these years that he learnt the Melanau language and formed the strong affection for this people which was noticeable in his later writings. His interest in the Sarawak Gazette, which he retained until the end of his life, dates from 1922 when he was Editor of the Gazette and Manager of the Printing Office in addition to his other duties,” the Sarawak Gazette reported in 1948.

Archer was first promoted to a Resident in 1930 and then the Chief Secretary and Chairman of the Committee of Administration in 1939.

He also contributed many interesting articles for the Sarawak Gazette under the pen name of Optimistic Fiddler or O.F.

John Beville Archer
John Beville Archer in 1927.

John Beville Archer and the 1941 constitution

The 1941 constitution of Sarawak is the first known written constitution during the White Rajahs reign.

The main objective was to approve and fulfill the promise by the third Rajah, Vyner Brooke which was to give self-governance of Sarawak to the locals.

Kenelm Hubert Digby who served as the legal advisor to the government played a major role in the writing of the constitution.

As one read through Digby’s memoir, he pulled no punches in criticising Archer. He accused the senior Brooke officer of having ‘a somewhat feudal outlook’.

Digby stated, “He had joined the service in 1912, at the age of 19, and he had loyally served two Rajahs. He would have preferred to continue under such conditions. He distrusted these new-fangled, democratic ideas, and he had somehow got it into his head that the Committee of Administration was forcing the constitution on the Rajah against the will of the latter. He rather prided himself on his diplomatic skill, and in April and May 1941, he was appearing to co-operate in the deliberations of the Committee of Administration on the one hand, while communicating his private opinions secretly to the Rajah on the other.”

The Committee of Administration was a body that governed the country in the Rajah’s absence.

As for Archer, he did not elaborate much on his opinion about the constitution in his memoir.

He pointed out that the constitution was one of the big events that marked an entire change in the administration of Sarawak.

As a true Brooke loyalist, Archer only expressed that it was the Rajah desired to mark the centenary of Brooke rule by granting a constitution.

In the end, Archer was forced to retire in May 1941 ‘over trying to serve both the Rajah’s and the Committee of Administration’s interests’.

After his retirement, he remained in Sarawak as an Information Officer of Sarawak, the editor of the Sarawak Gazette as well as a Special Policeman.

John Beville Archer as an internee at Batu Lintang Camp

When the Japanese invaded Sarawak, Archer was among those interned by the Japanese.

In his book, Archer did not fail to share his experience as an internee at Batu Lintang Camp.

A talented storyteller; one of the stories he shared is about the pet goat the internees kept at the camp.

“In stories of prisons there are invariably the pets which the prisoners keep out of their scanty fare but the only pet we ever had was a goat. We called it Eustace. Why, I do not know considering it was obviously feminine and later produced a kid. However, although like most goats it could live on the ‘smell of a dirty rag’, there just was not any food to give it so the time came when it was decided that she should go into the cooking pot. This caused quite a stir. Poster artists (we had several) opened a picture campaign. One that touched our hearts was a portrait of Eustace looking sadly at us over the inscription ‘BE KIND AND LET ME LIVE. I HAVE DONE NOTHING WRONG.’ A petition signed by many influential internees was presented to the committee. A reprieve was allowed but the cooks were not beaten. In a fortnight after several days of extremely lean rations, they opened up a fresh attack. This time all our sob stuff was of no avail – Eustace went into the pot.”

At one point, Archer was taken in for questioning by the Kempeitai for four days.

He was imprisoned and spent most of his mornings being interviewed by the secret police.

Describing his prison, Archer wrote, “It was a row of small semi-dark cells opening on to a backyard. The whole of the front of each cell was barred like a beast’s cage in a menagerie, except that the door was like that of a dog kennel. You had to bend double to get inside, which gave the gaolers a heaven-sent opportunity of kicking you hard on the behind every time you did so.”

Thankfully, he survived his ordeal with the Kempeitai.

John Beville Archer and the hoisting of the flag

Perhaps the most popular photograph of Archer is the image of him hoisting up the Sarawak flag in the civilian compound of the Batu Lintang Camp taken on Sept 12, 1945 after Sarawak was liberated by the Allied Forces.

According to his autobiography, the photo was a photo op.

Hoisting the Sarawak flag 1945 AWM 118393
John Beville Archer hoisting up the Sarawak flag at Batu Lintang Camp. Copyright expired – public domain

“On the 9th we were told by dropped leaflets that unless negotiations broke down the Allied forces would arrive on the 11th. On that morning rumours came in that the Allied sips were at the mouth of the river and that the Japanese Commander had gone down to sign capitulation. The hours dragged on. At three o’clock I went along to the wire at the back of the soldiers’ camp to receive a Sarawak flag which some Chinese friend had promised to bring.

“That evening we procured a long bamboo pole and hoisted the Sarawak flag in our Camp. The next morning the official photographers arrived and I had the honour of hoisting the flag officially.”

After the war ended, Archer was first given a job at the Sarawak Museum office.

He shared in his memoir, “One of my duties was trying to collect what I could of the Rajah’s property. Strangely enough, the Japanese had done no damage to the Astana, and its contents were almost intact but scattered.”

Apart from that, he found the museum ‘lost very little’, the chief secretary’s office ‘became a gaol with a pig-sty outside’, the Anglican Cathedral ‘was a store’, a Catholic School was a Courthouse and the Sarawak Club bowling alley was turned into a shrine.

John Beville Archer and Sarawak cession to the British

On Nov 1, 1945, Archer was appointed the Political Adviser to the British Military Administration in Sarawak.

Few months later in early 1946, Vyner announced his intention to cede Sarawak to Britain.

Looking back at history on how Sarawak was ceded to Britain, the whole process was a practically a mess.

Historian Steven Runciman in his book The White Rajah: A History of Sarawak from 1841 to 1946 opined that the cession ‘had been hurriedly and clumsily handled’.

He added, “It is a story from which few of the principal characters emerge with enhanced credit. Sarawak was to suffer for it.”

The motion was unpopular among the locals who saw the cession as a violation of a provision in the 1941 constitution which stipulated that the Rajah would grant the right of self-rule to Sarawak.

The British government sent two Members of Parliament to Sarawak to enquire whether the people agreed to the cession.

They reportedly found that there was enough support for the cession to be debated in the Council Negri.

John Beville Archer and Cession Debate

Presided by Archer, the meeting took place on May 16 and 17, 1946 with 34 members attended the debate on the second reading and 35 on the third reading.

According to later accounts, there were no speeches translated for the benefit of the 26 non-European members who attended the meeting.

Christopher Dawson who was sent out to Sarawak by the Colonial Officer to supervise the legitimization of the cession said Archer appeared to be drunk during the debate.

Later, many accused him of making no attempt to maintain impartiality as a presiding officer of a legislative body.

Looking back at his official winding up speech, it is understandable where these accusations came from.

“Having heard all the references made to the cession, I hope you all here realise that is not a rich country. There has been talk about war debts and if this question is broached then we have to pay our share of the war. I think we all agree on that point. We cannot get everything free. I am sorry to say that we cannot carry on with our independence in Sarawak. You can look at it from any point you like. We have our revenue here which shows that it is considerably less than it was before the war, and we probably will have even less later, and it is up to us at this moment to come together with the rest of the countries into some sort amalgamation otherwise we are sunk. I want you to remember that we are servants of the Rajah and I am a servant myself. I have been a servant of His Highness the Rakah and also His Highness the Tuan Muda, but there comes a time when we cannot be alone. The Rajah has not done this thing on his own. He has had the best advice and has consulted the highest authority in London, the Secretary of State for the Colonies. There are no snags behind it. We cannot afford to be on own. Ask The Treasurer about it. We have set aside a certain amount of money for agriculture in order to increase our food supply, otherwise we will starve. There seems to be a sort of feeling here, I am sorry, that it is a ramp. The British Government is not bad. I can assure you that we will get a fair and absolutely good deal. I do not know how long I will be here but you will be here anyway. You have got to vote on it. I can see the feeling of the house is rather tense now. Please understand that there is no ramp. There is no idea of suborning about the British Government. I can assure you that. I am not lying about it.”

The final vote of the council was 19 to 16 in favour of cession. A difference of only three votes that changed Sarawak history forever.

When the Rajah left Sarawak for the last time on May 21, 1946, Archer was appointed as the Officer Administering the Government.

With this post, he was entrusted with the job of handing the country over to the British.

On Cession Day July 1, 1946, Archer relinquished all his official posts.

AboutSarawak history9
Vyner (sitting left) signing the Instrument of cession at the Astana with Archer standing at his left hand side.

John Beville Archer, “It has been a labour of love”

Regardless of his view which was clearly unpopular among the anti-cession movement members, no one could deny Archer’s loyalty to Sarawak and especially to the people of this land.

According to his autobiography, one of Archer distinctive characteristic was his ‘debilitating stutter’ when he was speaking in English.

Curiously, he did not stutter at all when speaking in local languages such as Malay and Iban.

In his reply to an Address of Appreciation from the Supreme Council on the occasion of his retirement, Archer said,

“You all know, I think, how sad I feel at leaving a Service of which I was proud to be a member for so long. I was the last European active member of His Highness the late Rajah’s staff, and I served His present Highness throughout the whole of his reign. It may be considered trite, but I can truthfully say that it has been a labour of love…”

On July 17, 1948, Archer’s nephew Owen Wright found him in his bedroom with a gunshot wound on the forehead.

He was pronounced dead a few hours later at Sarawak General Hospital. According to the official inquest, he was suffering from depression as well as alcoholism.

Explore the Intriguing History of Nissa Shokai: Former Japanese rubber estate in Samarahan and uncover espionage allegations

In the contemporary business landscape, welcoming foreign companies to invest in and establish their presence in our country has become a commonplace occurrence. The allure of international investment has evolved into a standard practice, shaping the dynamics of our economic landscape.

However a century ago, it was something rare.

Here in Sarawak, the only Japanese trading firm that successfully broke through our local market was a company called Nissa Shokai.

According to a paper by The International Journal of East Asian Study, Japanese immigrants first arrived in Kuching in the latter part of the 1880s.

In the early days, many came voluntarily, seeking out new opportunities as they worked as petty traders and street hawkers among other professions. The more notables include Japanese professionals like Dr. Nakagawa, a dentist in Kuching whose daughters, the ‘Iwanaga sisters’ were teachers at Kuching’s St. Mary’s School.

The paper stated, “Later arrivals during the early 1900s engaged in smallholdings, para rubber cultivation and market gardening on the eastern infringes of the town. Other worked as physicians, dentists, photographers and prostitutes in the bazaar.

“Nissa Shokai, a trading firm specialising in Japanese goods, was established at the turn of the century, to cater for the needs of the then small Japanese community in Kuching and its outskirts. This firm was affiliated to a Japanese-owned Para rubber plantation in Samarahan. On this Samarahan estate, attempts were made to grow pineapples and other tropical cash crops. There were ambitious attempts to establish a Japanese rice-farming community during the late 1920s. However, the wet-rice cultivation undertaken by a small group of Japanese farming families on the Nissa Shokai property in the Upper Samarahan did not go beyond the experimental stage.”

While it was good to have foreign companies investing in the local market, apparently there were some drawbacks. In some cases, it was like bringing in a Trojan horse.

Here are five things you might not know about Nissa Shokai:

1.At one point, Nissa Shokai housed the largest concentration of Japanese in Sarawak during the Brooke-era.

Former Sarawak Attorney-General Kenelm Hubert Digby wrote briefly about Nissa Shokai in his 1980 memoir Lawyer in the Wilderness.

According to Digby, the largest concentration of Japanese in Sarawak was to be found on the Nissa Shokai estate on the banks of the Samarahan river.

Explaining further about the estate, he wrote, “This consisted of about twelve persons holding executive posts, including a resident doctor. There were also, I think a few foremen. There were a handful of wives and children. The labour employed were mostly Malay and Chinese. The estate included one hundred acres of wet paddy and a large area of pineapples but the greater part of the land was under rubber. It had its own Chinese bazaar and its own police station, kindly garrisoned by the Government with one lance-corporal and four constables presumably to keep the labourers in order.”

2.The company successfully established a good relationship with the reigning Rajah at that time.

For Nissa Shokai to be able to have all that in Sarawak was greatly contributed to their relationship with the then government run by the White Rajah.

Ooi Keat Gin in his book The Japanese Occupation of Borneo, 1941-1945 wrote, “Nissa Shokai cleverly curried favour with Rajah Vyner Brooke of Sarawak, including arrangement for his visit to Japan (1928) following discussions in London (1926) about Sarawak’s mineral resources (oil, coal, etc) during the second half of the 1920s.”

These discussions turned out successful as the Japanese company was able to secure concession for prospecting coal at the Pila and Pelagus rivers in the Upper Rejang area as well as at Sama, Murit and Pegau rivers.

It wasn’t until 1936 or 1937 that the British Colonial Office in London took notice the increased interest of Japanese in Sarawak that they immediately moved to halt ‘any concession which afforded the Japanese a pretext for penetration into Sarawak as eminently undesirable from the defence point of view’.

3.The boycott against Nissa Shokai products

Boycotting products based on its origin due to war is not something new.

When the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the local Chinese in Sarawak boycotted agricultural produce from Nissa Shokai.

There were also some cases of sabotage against the Japanese reported such as cutting off the telephone line to the Nissa Shokai estate.

The Brooke government tried their best to kill the boycott of Japanese goods out of that spirit of comradeship but all of their attempts were unsuccessful.

4.Some of the employees of Nissa Shokai were believed to be spies.

According to Ooi, in Sarawak there was an espionage network known as Yorioka Kikan named after Yorioka Shoza, the founder-proprietor of Nissa Shokai.

Ooi pointed out in his book, “Allied sources reported that the company’s manager in Sarawak and its agent in Kuching as well as employee, Kurasaki, Mori and Matsui Tomisaku respectively were all active in this espionage network.”

Digby in his memoir also shared how he found out that one of the Nissa Shokai employees turned out to be a Japanese army.

“I could not withhold my admiration from one of the Nissa Shokai executive officials, who visited Serian for a court case, and rejecting my offer of hospitality, insisted on staying in the thoroughly hostile Chinese bazaar. The next time I saw that man was on Dec 24th, 1941, the day on which the Japanese occupied Kuching. He was then in the uniform of an officer of the Japanese army.”

Japanese paratroopers heading to Borneo 1941
Paratroopers of the 2nd Yokosuka Naval Landing Force under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Genzo Watanabe (standing on top in the left) inside a transport ship before the invasion of Borneo. Copyright: Public Domain.

If there was an espionage network in Sarawak way before the war began, how much information did these spies obtain?

Apparently according to John Beville Archer in his memoir Glimpses of Sarawak between 1912 and 1946, they knew ‘a lot’.

“When I was passing through Singapore on my way back from furlough in 1939, I visited a Japanese house down the East Coast road to sup off that splendid Japanese dish know as sukiyaki. We were party of four and whilst we squatted on the floor watching the girls prepare and cook it we got talking. They spoke some Malay and some English. We asked them their names and asked them to guess our professions. Well, blast my buttons, if those girls didn’t know not only our names but our jobs and where we lived! Not much of a story but just an inkling as to what a far-reaching spy system they must have had. Again, a few days after I was captured I was called before one of the local Japanese residents who had obviously stepped into some official position at once. He called for my dossier and I could not help noticing that it was a pretty fat document already. This was confirmed when he read out extracts from it. My personal and domestic life was apparently no secret to the Japanese; I was amazed at the lot they knew about me.”

5.There are records of former Nissa Shokai employees that had assimilated into the Sarawak community.

Like many migrant workers in the present day who found love and home in their new countries where they worked, there is no surprise to find out that some Nissa Shokai employees also found the same thing in Sarawak back in the early 20th century.

In 2021, The International Journal of East Asian Studies published a paper on Japanese immigrants in Sarawak before World War II who assimilated through inter-ethnic marriages. The purpose of this paper was to posit that cemeteries involving Japanese immigrants should be promoted as tourist destinations as they reflect Sarawak’s rich multicultural heritage and history of assimilation with foreigners.

One example from the paper which was written by Md Nasruddin Md Akhir, Geetha Govindasamy and Rohayati Paidi, was the case of Seiji Kuno.

The paper stated, “Seiji Kuno, a Japanese national was believed to have arrived in Sarawak 1909 or 1910. He was reportedly a former employee of Nissa Shokai. Seiji Kuno who was known by several names – Mohd Towfek or Mohamed Towpik Kuno or Mohd Jepun, owned a shop in India Street in Kuching. Reportedly, he was an acupuncturist and herbalist. Kuno married Ejah binti Haji Rais when she was 18 years old on 12 June 1917 and had 7 children. Prior to his marriage, Kuno had already converted to Islam. Having immersed himself with the local community, he eventually became the Tua Kampung of Seniawan, located in Samarahan, for about 17 years.”

Kuno had assimilated so completely that he was seen as a defender of Islam and the local community during the Japanese occupation period.

“Prior to the war, Kuno taught religious classes in Samarahan. He even assisted the Malays by obtaining support from the Japanese authorities to fund certain activities in the mosque. Eventually the authorities began providing $900 annually for wages, grass cutting, feasting on important occasions like that of the birthday of prophet Mohammad as well as supporting expenses for entertainment during the fasting month.”

So if there is DNA ancestry test to be done, don’t be surprised to see some Sarawakians today with Japanese heritage.

5 things to know about former Chief Secretary of Sarawak – Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark

Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark held the position as the Chief Secretary of Sarawak for barely seven months from May till December 1941.

But those seven months were a crucial part in Sarawak history.

On Mar 31, 1941, Le Gros Clark announced the decision of the third White Rajah Vyner Brooke, to introduce a democratic constitution.

Commenting on the Rajah’s move, Straits Budget on Apr 17, 1941 reported Le Gros Clark stating, “The Rajah took the opportunity of the Centenary of Sarawak to make public his decision, and the official Advisory Committee of His Highness received it with gratitude. The position of the Brooke family in Sarawak is one of extremely close personal contact with the people. Whatever is the position of the Rajah in the future, he remains in the eyes of the people as their Rajah.”

Here are five things to know about Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark:

1.Le Gros Clark spent time on Gulangyu island to learn Hokkien language.

Le Gros Clark was born in 1894 and had started his career as a soldier. He joined the Sarawak Civil Service in 1925. According to Gustav Ecke and Edward Erkes in a 1947 obituary dedicated to him, Le Gros Clark went to Gulangyu Island and spent 1925 to 1927 to learn Hokkien language and culture.

Ecke and Erkes wrote, “Here on the shores of the Eastern Ocean, in the gorgeous mountain wilderness near the ancient port of Zayton, his imagination was captivated. He began to understand the life and atmosphere of the real China. The result was an intensive study of the country’s history and literature, which inspired him with the wish to do creative work as a scholar.”

2.Le Gros Clark was a translator of Su Shi from Chinese into English.

In 1928, he returned to Sarawak and was appointed Secretary for Chinese Affairs.

While working on his day job, Le Gros Clark managed to squeeze some times for his passion, researching and translating the works of Su Shi from Chinese into English.

At the end of 1931, he published his work ‘Selections from the Works Su Tung-Po’.

His hard work was paid off when he received great reviews for his book.

3.His last job was as the Officer Administering the Government in the absence of the rajah.

Right before the World War II, the last Rajah of Sarawak Vyner Brooke put out this proclamation on the Sarawak Government Gazette.

“Whereas we are about to leave the State on the 29th October, 1941:

Now therefore, know ye all men whom it may concern that we hereby appoint Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark, Chief Secretary, to administer the Government of the State during our absence, and we enjoin that all respect and obedience be paid to the said Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark in this position.”

When the war was about to hit the shore of Sarawak, it was suggested that Le Gros Clark withdraw with the Military Headquarters ‘as to facilitate the functioning of the Sarawak civil government elsewhere in Borneo’.

Le Gros Clark, however, was adamant that he should remain in Kuching.

He reportedly said during his later internment, “With these people of Sarawak, among whom I have spent, many years of my life, and in whose interests I have believe devoted my unselfish and loyal services, I have determined to remain and to share with them their sufferings during this period of trial.”

4.His final days as a civilian internee during WW2 at Batu Lintang Camp

After the Japanese had arrived In Kuching on Christmas Eve 1941, all the European officers were captured and eventually held in Batu Lintang Camp.

There, he served as the camp master.

Despite the poor condition and lack of basic necessities such as food and clothes, things were rather somehow uneventful at the camp.

Until, the issue of Chinese newspaper.

At first, the internees were permitted by their captors to receive the local Chinese newspapers. Those who could read Chinese translated them to those who didn’t understand.

Then in July 1943, the Japanese withdrew their permission but the internees continued to receive them illegally.

By October 1943, the Japanese became more strict and severe attitude towards their captives.

Naturally, some of the internees became fearful of the consequences that might fall upon them if they defied this order.

In his memoir Lawyer in the Wilderness (1980), Sarawak attorney general and judge Kenelm Hubert Digby claimed the whole situation had the internees divided.

He wrote, “We were promptly accused of cowardice by half-a-dozen members of the camp, who would not have been in personal danger themselves if the legality which they favoured had come to light.”

According to Digby, an American named Henry William Webber continued to arranged to receive the paper privately through the wire. His fellow internees reportedly asked him to desist but he refused to do so.

This is how Digby narrated on what happened next on the newspaper incident.

“In April 1944, the conspiracy was uncovered. The Chinese, who passed the paper to the British sergeant in charge of an outside working party, and the sergeant himself were caught. Having been very badly knocked about, the latter gave the names of his “contacts” in the civilian camp. In the result Le Gros Clark, who, as Camp Master, was deemed to have primary responsibility; Cho, the Chinese consul at Sandakan before the occupation who translated the Chinese part of the paper; Abbott, a North Borneo administrative officer , who translated the Malay part of the paper; Hill, another North Borneo administrative officer, who, in his capacity as secretary of the General Committee, had had the job of reading out the translations in the huts; Macdonald, a Sarawak planter; Stokes, a North Borneo doctor; and the American, Webber, were all arrested in June.”

5.Remembering Cyril Drummond Le Gros Clark

Some reports stated that the group was arrested in May. Regardless, Le Gros Clark and the rest of them first sentenced to prison in Kuching and later in Batu Tiga in Jesselton (now Kota Kinabalu).

In January 1945, the Japanese moved their prisoners to Beaufort and on April 12, 1945, they moved them to Keningau.

Since then, nobody knew the fates of these prisoners at first. As none of them were seen alive after the war had ended, the British government started inquiries to locate them.

Then in October 1945, the group of investigators led by former resident of the Sabah West Coast Division Richard Evans found the graves of Le Gros Clark and others at an airfield used by the Japanese.

As it turned out, Le Gros Clark, Cho Huan Lai, Valentine A. Stokes, Henry William Webber and Donald Macdonald were all executed on July 6, 1945, two months before the Japanese had surrendered.

All of their remains were later reburied at the old Anglican Cemetery of Jesselton.

Today, a monument is erected near the former airfield where Le Gros Clark and others been executed.

The sad life of Dr Zo, the Jewish government dentist during Brooke’s time

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As we go through old memoirs written by those who had served in Sarawak, be it during the Brooke administration or the British colony, there are indeed countless fascinating stories.

And what makes these old stories more fascinating are the people behind them.

Naturally, these people don’t feature in our textbooks because of the minor roles they played in our history, but that doesn’t make their life stories less interesting to learn or read about.

Kenelm Hubert Digby published his memoir Lawyer in the Wilderness about his life in Sarawak in 1980.

In his book, he told us plenty of stories that took place from the middle of 1934 to the end of 1951.

One of those stories was about the first medical officer appointed at Batu Lintang Camp during the Japanese occupation of Sarawak.

According to Digby, the doctor was a Jewish refugee from Germany who had served in the Prussian cavalry in the First World War.

“He was primarily a dentist by profession, but he was also qualified to practice as a doctor in Germany. This qualification was not recognized in Sarawak, but in 1939 he had obtained a contract as Government Dentist,” Digby wrote.

On how he ended up in Sarawak and became a dentist here, Digby did not explain.

Digby didn’t even share the dentist’s real name other than stating that he was generally known as ‘Zo’ due to his frequent use of that German exclamation.

Apart from that, Digby shared that Dr Zo was a very amiable man whose principal interest was music.

Dr Zo, the Jewish doctor in a Japanese POW camp

Batu Lintang Camp FOSM
Flying over the prisoner of war camp (POW) in Batu Lintang at a low height, RAAF Beaufighter pilots reported sighting white POWs, clad in khaki shorts, who excitedly waved as the RAAF aircraft flew over to drop leaflets announcing Japan’s surrender. Credits: Public Domain (Copyright expired). https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/C242106

When the Japanese landed in Kuching on Christmas Eve in 1941. Dr Zo was quickly interned at Batu Lintang Camp along with the rest of the Europeans.

Digby narrated, “In the early days of the occupation was detained with the other European members of the Medical Department in the General Hospital. He was sent to the police station to tend the wounds of the “Astana Party,” and thereafter he stayed with us and acted as our medical officer, until the other doctors were brought to Lintang in or about August 1943. Zo did great and good work amongst us, with the very minimum of medicines and equipment and in the face of a barrage of unreasoning hostility.”

Since Dr Zo had served in the German Army before, Digby claimed his military training was ‘always coming to the fore’.

He wrote, “Most of us were satisfied with our status as civilians and did our best to offer moderate passive resistance to the military discipline which was imposed upon use. Many of us had never been soldiers and with the best will in the world, which we by no means possessed, we would have had great difficulty in comprehending the working of the military mind. When it was a Japanese mind as well our difficulty was greater still, Zo ,however, had no such worries. His background and upbringing had made him extremely receptive to military command, and it was in his nature to obey without question any instruction emanating from a gentleman of sufficiently martial appearance. He seemed to realise what our masters were doing and why they did it. One obtained the impression that, their cruelty apart, he would have given the same sort of orders if he had been in their place.”

During his interment at Batu Lintang Camp, Dr Zo volunteered his service at the camp ‘hospital’.

Digby pointed out that Dr Zo did excellent work there in spite the filthy conditions in which the patients were housed and the almost total absence of medicine.

“He pulled several teeth out without any sort of anesthetic,” he stated.

Dr Zo and his life after the war

According to Digby, Dr Zo’s services to His Majesty’s subjects received poor recognition.

After the war, he returned to England on the same boat with most of the Europeans from Sarawak.

Unfortunately for Dr Zo, he was arrested at London and once again repeated his WWII nightmare of being placed behind barbed wire.

Digby wrote, “Only the valiant efforts of the Sarawak Government Agent secured his release after three weeks. Even then he was not given his full ration of clothing coupons and turned up to dine with me at a Piccadilly restaurant in curious and borrowed apparel. He was not permitted to travel more than five miles from his residence without police permission, and so, since he was far too proud to seek such permission, he was debarred from visiting his friends who lived outside London.”

Dr Zo and his sad life ending

The depressing part of Dr Zo’s story is where he ended up after the war.

When he was living in Kuching, Zo had a wife and a seven-year-old son.

Shortly before the Japanese landed, he managed to evacuate his family through Kalimantan.

The mother and son somehow managed to reach Java.

Sadly, Zo’s wife committed suicide in Java and later his son was adopted by a Dutch couple.

Zo’s unfortunate fate did not stop there as his son was killed by Indonesian insurgents soon after that.

At the last part about Zo in his book, Digby wrote, “Like the rest of us, Zo had come home immensely looking forward to reunion with his family, and, when the sad story was told to him after his release from the British internment camp, he was a broken man. He resented bitterly the treatment which England was according to him and went to Sweden, where he died at the end of 1949. I was invited to write an obituary for the Sarawak Gazette, but my account of his persecution was deemed to be unprintable, and so my contribution was rejected.”

Since what Digby wrote for his obituary never saw light of day, we can only imagine what the content was.

A quirky story of Bishop Francis Hollis being interrogated during WWII

Bishop Francis Hollis (1884-1955) was a British clergyman in the Anglican church.

He first came to Sarawak in 1916 to serve as assistant priest at the St. Thomas Cathedral at Kuching until 1923.

Hollis then served among the Bidayuh at St James Church Quop for five years. In 1928, Hollis was appointed as the Principal of St Thomas’ School where he held the position for the next five years.

Then in 1934, he was made Archdeacon of Sarawak before his consecration as Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak in 1938.

During World War II (WWII), he was interned at Batu Lintang Camp by the Japanese. After the war ended, a series of internment stories were published at The Sarawak Gazette monthly. One of the stories was of Hollis’ experience being interrogated by the Japanese.

Francis Hollis

Bishop Francis Hollis of Sarawak addressing the congregation at a thanksgiving day service held in Batu Lintang Camp. Civilians are seated in the foreground most of whom had been internees under the Japanese (Taken by Photographer Lieutenant A. W. Horner on Sept 12, 1945). Copyright -Public Domain.

Bishop Francis Hollis being called out for questioning during his internment at Batu Lintang Camp published in The Sarawak Gazette:

His Lordship the Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak is called out for questioning.

“You, you’re a priest?” says the Japanese officer by way of beginning the interview.

“Well, no, no, not exactly,” replies His Lordship with his customary diffidence, “you see I’m the bishop,”

“Oh! (pause) Roman Catholic bishop?”

“No, I’m not a Roman Catholic bishop?”

“Roman Catholic priest, then?”

“No, you see I am not a Roman Catholic.”

This is a little too much for the military mind.

“You are bishop, but you are not priest and not Roman Catholic. Then what are you?”

“Well, you see, the fact is, that is to say that the fact is, that I am a bishop of the Church of England.”

“Church of England? Church of England? Roman Catholic Church of England.”

“No, no, just Church of England. The Church of England is not Roman Catholic.”

Light dawns. With a smile of relief at his success in at last unraveling so untangled a mystery the officer heaves in his breath and blows it out again.

“Ah-ah-ah! Now I understood. Henry Eight!”

Looking back at Labuan War Crimes Trials during World War II

After the Second World War (WWII) ended, Labuan became one of the locations where war crime trials took place.

From December 1945 and January 1946, 16 war crime trials took place at Labuan.

Some of the cases trialed at Labuan were the ill-treatment of prisoners of War (POW) at Batu Lintang Camp, the Sandakan Death Marches and the final executions of POWs at Ranau.

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Two military policemen guard four Japanese officers outside the Labuan court. Courtesy of Australian War Memorial. Copyright expired-public domain.

Why hold the war crimes trials in Labuan?

According to Georgina Fitzpatrick in the book Australia’s War Crimes Trials 1945-51, Labuan was the location of Australia’s 9th Division headquarters.

“There was a large garrison of Australian soldiers there to guard a war criminal’s compound and to provide other ancillary staff needed for war crime trials. Labuan was also the location of an Australian General Hospital (AGH) where those liberated Allied prisoners of war who were not well enough to be evacuated to Morotai had been sent to recuperate from their ill-treatment in Kuching camp. This placed them in proximity to the Japanese war criminal compound, where they could assist in identifying war criminal suspect,” Fitzpatrick stated.

Bearing witness at Labuan War Crimes Trials

It was rare to have former POWs of the Japanese to be present in person at these trials as a witness.

However, it did happen in the Labuan War Crimes Trials.

One of the six survivors of Sandakan Death Marches Warrant Officer William Sticpewich appeared at three different trials at Labuan.

Athol Moffitt was the jurist who was involved with the Labuan War Crimes Trials.

After the war, Moffitt reveal in his diary that Sticpewich had been flown back to Labuan at the request of the Japanese defence team.

The Japanese thought that he might be a friendly witness.

Unfortunately for them, this particular move became the defense team’s ‘greatest mistake’.

According to Moffitt, Sticpewich ‘got on the right side of the Japs and can speak quite a lot of Japanese – being very handy as a carpenter and good at fixing machines he made himself invaluable to the Japs during his imprisonment.

“He had the run of the camp and got a little extra food from the Jap leavings. He also poked his nose into things and can now tell us all sorts of things as to what food they had and what medicines they had etc.”

During his return to Borneo, Sticpewich was not only providing evidence against the Japanese. He also retook the Sandakan Death Marches route to help locate the graves of Allied forces.

Interpreters of Labuan War Crime Trials

Since the Australian prosecuting team spoke in English and the Japanese military obviously spoke in Japanese, the court needed interpreters to carry on with the trials.

One of the interpreters at Labuan reportedly went an extra mile to do his job.

Lieutenant Joseph da Costa was considered one of the most fluent of the Allied Translator and Interpreter Service (ATIS) interpreters at Labuan.

Despite that, da Costa was still concerned that the suspects did not understand what was going on.

Before the war broke out, he was studying in Japan and later onboard one of the last ships to leave to Australia in 1941.

While his spoken Japanese was fluent enough, da Costa was not familiar with military or medical terms in Japanese.

He then started a practice of visiting the specific prisoner in the evening to go over the day’s proceedings to make sure the suspect knew what had been said during the day.

Sergeant Donald Mann was another interpreter provided by ATIS at the Labuan trials.

Born to English parents, Mann was a former resident of Kobe.

Like da Costa, he too had been evacuated from Japan in 1941.

Since these two interpreters provided by ATIS were actually living and studying in Japan, their Japanese language proficiency was considered at higher standard compared to at other trials.

The Japanese defence counsel in Ambon war crime trials Somiya Shinji for instance argued that the accused were ‘unable to defend themselves sufficiently’ because they could not express ‘in an exact and accurate manner what they wanted to state’.

Defending the war criminals at Labuan War Crimes Trials

Batu Lintang Camp

Speaking of the defence counsel, their competence was an issue which was raised many times during the trials.

The defending officer in one of the Labuan trials actually said this during his closing statement:

“The only thing for which I should like to make an apology and to beg your understanding is the problem of language. My English knowledge is extremely limited. Besides that, I am not will informed in jurisprudence at large and am quite ignorant about the Australian laws and regulations which this case is charged with. I am afraid this weakness will let me feel not only inconvenient but also to feel a kind of irritation of not being able to express my mind fully, like to scratch an itchy spot from outsides shoes.”

One of the defending officers in Labuan was Colonel Yamada Setsuo.

Even though he had been the Chief Legal Officer at Kuching during the Japanese occupation, there are some doubts that Yamada actually had legal qualifications.

Reporting on Labuan War Crimes Trials

More than 75 years passed since the war ended and the current generation roughly know about the atrocities committed by the Japanese during WWII.

However when the war literally just ended, the public, particularly the families of war crimes victims, had no idea the heinousness that their loved ones went through.

Now came in the question of how much the public should know.

According to Fitzpatrick when the Labuan trials started, the press entered into ‘a gentleman’s agreement with the military authorities to reveal only general details of what had happened to and to refrain from publishing the names of victims’.

During that time, the readers were give some amount of detail about conditions of starvation and brutality in the camps as well as about the death marches and massacres.

By doing this, the Australian military believed that they were trying to protect the families.

On the contrary, they were accused of cover-up.

Still, some of the news reports published by the Argus and the Sydney Morning Herald gave more than enough details on the cases that they must have frightened any relatives of men missing in action.

Eric Thornton from the Argus for example reported, “Shots entered the house where sick POWs were lying, and they began to move out. Those too sick to walk started to crawl toward the grass, and all were slaughtered on the spot. When asked why he did not stop the slaughter, Sugino said he was so excited he did not think of it.”

Japanese Sergeant Major Tsurio Sugino was from the Borneo Prisoner of War and Internee Guard Unit.

He was charged with ‘having caused to be killed 46 Australian, British and Indian POWs (survivors from Labuan POW Camp) at Miri on Oct 6, 1945. Sugino was found guilty and sentenced to death.

Any convicted Japanese war criminals who received a death sentence and whose sentence was confirmed were executed where they had been tried.

Those who were sentenced to terms of imprisonment were initially held where that had been tried before they were moved to other places such as Rabaul.

The last trials

The last Australian-run trial held on Labuan was a mass trial of 45 guards.

These guards were suspected of ill-treating prisoners at the Batu Lintang Camp.

The trial was completed on Jan 31, 1946. After that, any other trials on Labuan were conducted by the 32nd Indian Brigade.

Overall, the Australians conducted 16 trials in Labuan between Dec 3, 1945 and Jan 31, 1946, in which 145 accused were involved, 17 were acquitted and 128 were found guilty.

In the end of the Australian trials, 39 Japanese had received death sentences, 36 by shooting and three by hanging.

So what the survivors thought of these results?

Victims’ Responses to the Trials’ Results

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The Survivors of Batu Lintang Camp.

Michelle Cunningham in her book Defying the Odds: Surviving Sandakan and Kuching published some accounts on the victims’ point of view on the trials’ verdicts.

She wrote, “Some months after the war a British officer, Captain H.D.A. Yates, who had remained in the army in Borneo wrote to his former prison mates to update them on the war crimes trials and the questioning of the guards. He commented on the fate of several of the guards, suggesting that some sentences might be a bit harsh and lamenting that those for the most hated guards might not be harsh enough. He was pleased that Tadao Yoshimura, the assistant quartermaster at Batu Lintang, had escaped prosecution, for he had been one of the ‘good’ boys.”

The parting gift

While there were many horrific accounts that were revealed during the Labuan War Crimes Trial, there was one unexpected story that was disclosed many years after.

According to an article by the Journal of the New South Wales Bar Association, Russell Le Gay Brereton was the first investigate and prosecute Japanese guards during the Labuan trial.

An event that would stay with him forever was witnessing the formal surrender of General Masao Baba.

He formally turned over his sword to Australian Major General George Wootten at Labuan on Sept 10, 1945.

As part of his job as an investigator, Brereton flew to Kuching and stayed at The Astana. He found the Astana to be ‘the last word in luxury. Marble bathrooms and all’.

He also flew to Sandakan which for him the worst POW camp.

Brereton was then appointed as prosecutor in the first of the Labuan War Crimes Trials particularly the trial of Sgt Major Sugino.

During the trial, he impressed the Japanese defenders and officers with his concern for justice. The defending officer Yamada reportedly invited Brereton ‘to be his guest in Japan’ after things have settle down.

Brereton left Labuan on New Year’s Day in 1946 with a parting gift from General Baba.

The general presented him a Japanese calligraphy written in thick brush strokes on rice paper with translation and dedication on the reverse side read, “True heart is the core of everything.”

Baba was brought to Rabaul for trial and was found guilty with command responsibility for the Sandakan Death Marches.

He was executed by hanging on Aug 7, 1947.

Masao Baba

Check out these photos of Batu Lintang Camp after liberation

Also known as Lintang Barracks and Kuching POW camp, the Batu Lintang camp was a Japanese internment camp during the Second World War (WWII).

Unlike other Japanese internment camps, the Lintang Barracks held both Prisoners of War (POWs) and civilian internees.

The camp was originally British Indian Army barracks. The Japanese took it over from March 1942 and extended the original area.

After the Japanese officially surrendered on Aug 15, 1945, the camp was liberated on Sept 11, 1945 by the Australian 9th division.

Check out these photos of Batu Lintang camp taken after the Japanese had surrendered:

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Flying over the prisoner of war camp (POW) in Batu Lintang at a low height, Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) Beaufighter pilots reported sighting white POWs, clad in khaki shorts, who excitedly waved as the RAAF aircraft flew over to drop leaflets announcing Japan’s surrender.

One pilot also reported having seen white women who could have been either nurses or nuns.

Reportedly, there were 160 nuns interned in Batu Lintang camp in March 1944. Of these nuns, a large majority of them were Dutch Roman Catholic sisters with a few English sisters.

This image is believed to have been taken by the navigator of a Beaufighter aircraft possibly of 30 Squadron RAAF, whilst on operations to drop leaflets and to investigate the POW camp on Aug 22, 1945.

The RAAF planes were sent to drop these leaflets all over Sarawak’s First Division.

The leaflet was a foolscap size with a broad orange border.

Read the content of the leaflet here.

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A photo taken on Sept 12, 1945. A Japanese guard delivering a fowl to Mrs Iva Penlington of Yorks, England who was interned at the camp, in payment for the two years use of her typewriter.
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A photo taken on Sept 11, 1945. After the surrender ceremony at Kuching, 9th Australian Division, Kuching Force Commander Brigadier Sir Thomas Charles Eastick, accompanied by Lieutenant Colonel A.W. Walsh, 8th Australian Division ( a POW) and Lieut-Col Tatsuji Suga, Commandant of all POW camps in Borneo, visited Batu Lintang Camp.

A parade was held at which the prisoners were informed of their liberation.

In this photo, a section of the parade sitting in front of Eastick are listening to the address.

After the liberation, Eastick oversaw the liberation and repatriation of Allied POWs and internees in Sarawak.

Subsequently, he became the military governor of Sarawak from Sept 10, 1945 until December.

The last White Rajah of Sarawak Vyner Brooke awarded him The Most Excellent Order of the Star of Sarawak.

It was the highest order of chivalry within the Kingdom of Sarawak.

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A group of POWs leaving their compound to board the hospital ship Wanganella. The hut named ‘Australia House’ is in the background.

The camp was divided into different compounds with each person was allotted a very small space within a barrack building.

These compounds included British officers and non-commissioned officers (NCOs), Australian officers and NCOs, Dutch officers and NCOs, other ranks of British soldiers, British Indian Army, Royal Netherlands East Indies Army, Roman Catholic priest and religious men, male as well as female civilian internees.

Agnes Newton Keith, one of many civilian internees

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Agnes Newton Keith (left) speaking to Major T.T. Johnson (centre) and Eastick (right) after the surrender ceremony,

Keith was an American author and wife to Harry G. Keith.

She arrived in Sandakan in 1934 where her husband was working as the Conservator of Forests and Director of Agriculture under North Borneo Chartered Company.

When Sandakan was first captured by the Japanese on Jan 19, 1942, the Keiths were allowed to stay at their own home.

However on May 12, the couple were imprisoned on Berhala island. They spent eight months there before they were transported to Batu Lintang Camp.

Under the encouragement of her husband, Keith wrote three autobiographical accounts of her life in North Borneo.

Her book Three Came Home (1948) is based on her experience during WW2 and was made into a film of the same name in 1950.

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A photo taken on Sept 15, 1945. Internee children being taken for a ride in an Australian field ambulance soon after their release from the Japanese by members of the Kuching Force.

There were 34 children interned at the camp and all of them survived the war.

The women of the camp often went without provision to ensure the children’s survival.

During their internment, the children were taught by the nuns.

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A former Japanese guard from Batu Lintang Camp handcuffed on the front of a jeep.
About 8000 captured Japanese soldiers were then held at the camp after they had surrendered.

Life at Batu Lintang Camp

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Private J. M. Curry who was cook for Australian officers at the POW camp.

Curry is wearing the chawat (loin cloth) issued to him by the Japanese, his only clothing in two years.

The oven was improvised from an officer’s trunk packed round with clay. All the kitchen gear had to be improvised as the Japanese only provided them with two 44 gallon drums.

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A typical POW’s bed in the interior of ‘Australia House’.
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Former POWs standing around the coffin that has been used in for a burial conducted by a former internee, Father Brown.

Due to shortage of materials, coffins were constructed with a collapsible bottom so that they could be used again.

At first, the dead were buried in coffins but soon the number of fatalities increased.

Toward the end of the war, the bodies were buried in shrouds made from rice sacks or blankets.

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The daily ration of boiled rice for 1200 men in the camp only half filled this pig trough which they used for mixing with sweet potato.

In a war crime trial held against the Japanese soldiers in-charge of Batu Lintang camp, it is revealed that the only meat the prisoners was pig’s heads.

Reportedly, about 400 Allied POWs died of malnutrition in the last 12 months of the war.

The prosecuting officer of the case claimed that the diet fed to the camp’s pigs was more nutritious than the food given to the prisoners.

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The frightfulness of the treatment handed out by the Japanese to their POWs is shown by the emaciated condition of two British soldiers who were evacuated from Batu Lintang camp.

Like many Japanese POW and internee camps, the life in Batu Lintang was harsh.

Both POWs and civilians were suffering from malnutrition, diseases such as beriberi, malaria, dengue and scabies.

The mortality rate among the British soldiers was extremely high with two third of the POW population in the camp.

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A photo taken on Sept 18, 1945. All Japanese soldiers of Batu Lintang camp, were ordered from their quarters, searched and placed in the former British officers compound.
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Private H. J.P. Riseley, a former POW, holding his chicken pet as he stands on the verandah of ‘Australia House’.

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The graves of British, Dutch and Australian POWs at Batu Lintang Camp.

By July 1946, all the bodies had been exhumed and reburied in Labuan War Cemetery.

The Labuan cemetery is also the final resting place of soldiers who died during the Japanese invasion of Borneo, the Borneo Campaign 1945 and POWs who perished in the horrific Sandakan Death marches.

Photos by Australian War Memorial. Copyright expired – All Images are under Public Domain.

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