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Numbul and Bedukun, the Bisaya traditional healing ceremonies

Before there were doctors and nurses, the people of Sarawak relied on traditional healing ceremonies to cure sickness.

Every ethnic group has its own healing ceremony, for example the Ibans have their pelian and the Melanau turn to berayun and berbayoh to heal the sick.

For the Bisaya people in the Sarawak, their traditional healing ceremonies are called numbul and bedukun.

The numbul ceremony

It is the custom of the Bisaya that if a woman is sick, a numbul ceremony is held in order to cure her.

According to Benedict Sandin in his paper The Bisaya of Borneo and the Philippines, the word numbul means a curing ceremony for a sick woman officiated by a female shaman.

Benedict wrote, “To carry out the ceremony, a female shaman wears a petticoat, sarong, cloak and bracelets. From the wrist to the elbow of her silver are nine silver buttons.”

As she starts her invocation chants, the shaman sits at the centre of the gathering of people who beat the gongs at the open veranda of the house.

The invocation chants last from dusk till dawn. As she chants her songs, she summons the soul of the patient to return quickly from where it has wandered away.

If the patient can be cured, her soul will come back as summoned by the shaman.

What happens if she cannot be cured? Then her soul will never again come back to her.

The moment the soul comes back, the shaman catches it with her hand and places it carefully on a white piece of calico cloth. Then she places it on the head of the patient.

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What happens if the numbul ceremony fails?

After the shaman has successfully performed her numbul over the patient, the latter and her family are assured that she will be cured from her current illness.

If her soul did not return to her, another numbul ceremony can be officiated by the same shaman.

The shaman before this can still perform the numbul over the same patient up to three times.

If the patient still cannot be cured, another female shaman should be called upon to perform the numbul ceremony for her.

In the meantime, many people are invited to attend the numbul ceremony. The whole night they will partake in food and drink at the house of the patient’s family.

At the end of the ceremony, the shaman declares that every member of the patient’s family and those who stay in the same house must not do any outdoor work for three days.

Besides this, the shaman also strictly prevents any visitor who come to the house to bring with him a knife which has resin (malau) in its handle.

Any visitor found bringing such weapon will be fined according to the customary rules of the numbul ceremony.

Bedukun ceremony for a sick man

If a man is sick, the Bisaya family usually calls for a dukun (medicine man) to come to cure him.

For this ceremony, the dukun does not necessarily wear ceremonial dress as does the female shaman and he recites no long chants for the patient.

The dukun performs the ceremony only for about one hour. During this time he only blows (taurik) the air to the painful spot of the sick man’s body. Additionally, he recites a special spell (puchau) over the place of the patient’s pain.

Just like the numbul ceremony, the dukun declares that all members of the patient’s family must not do outdoor work for three days.

At the same time, he forbids all visitors to the family’s house to bring with them a knife which has resin in its handle.

Although we may not practice Sarawakian traditional healing ceremonies, it is always important to at least remember them.

How did the Ibans near Kalimantan border cope with Konfrontasi

People have been living along the border of Sabah and Sarawak, Malaysia with Kalimantan, Indonesia for centuries.

When there was a conflict such as the Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation which broke out between the two countries, it was unfortunate that they found themselves caught in between.

So how did the Sarawakians near Kalimantan border cope with Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation or Konfrontasi?

On Sarawak’s side of the border, Commonwealth forces were flown in to help protect the border.

Besides this, they employed Iban and other border-dwelling Dayaks as scouts. They were a local auxiliary force, widely known as ‘Border Scouts’.

On the other side of the border, Indonesian army also employed Kalimantan Iban scouts to aid in patrolling their side of border.

Before the confrontation, the Iban communities from both side of the border had been living peacefully with each other.

Most of them had relatives across the border as intermarriages were common between different Iban longhouses, regardless of nationalities.

After they were employed by their respective countries, how did they do their work while still keeping their own relatives safe?

First of all, not all of the Ibans became scouts willingly.

According to Michael Eilenberg in the book At the Edges of States, most Kalimantan Iban had no particular interest in Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation.

However, a group of Iban from the Lanjak area were recruited by force as scouts.

These unwilling scouts did their uttermost to prevent clashes between the different border patrols Indonesian and Malaysian.

Eilenberg wrote, “Former Iban scouts in Lanjak recount how they purposely led the Indonesian military patrols in circles around the Malaysian patrols in order to prevent clashes. In doing so, they avoided being forced to fight Iban kin employed as scouts by the ‘enemy’.

One very common strategy employed by Iban trackers was to use different kinds of signals to warn the oncoming Iban trackers employed by the enemy.

For example, they imitated animal cries or simply wore their caps backward as a signal that regular soldiers were following close behind.

Life at Kalimantan border while coping with Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation

Those who lived near the Kalimantan border during the confrontation remembered it as a period of restriction.

With military forces guarding both sides of the border, contact with relatives over the border was made difficult.

Even though the border was officially closed, some of the locals had reportedly continued their cross-border interaction such as trading and visiting relatives.

But of course, these were done at considerable risk of being caught in the line of fire.

Furthermore, several Kalimantan Iban families took more drastic moves.

They permanently immigrated to Sarawak to live with their Sarawakian families.

In the paper Straddling the Border: A Marginal History of Guerrilla Warfare and Counter Insurgency in the Indonesian Borderlands, 1960s-1970s which was also written by Eilenberg, the researcher came across many Kalimantan Ibans who had immigrated to Sarawak either during the Confrontation or during the later communist insurgency.

He wrote, “A senior Iban, originally from the Lanjak area but now a Malaysian citizen, conveyed during a visit to Kalimantan how, after immigrating to Sarawak, he was employed by British soldiers to fight the Indonesian army and later awarded an honorary military insignia by the Malaysian state for his courage in the fighting. Ironically before immigrating, the same person had been employed as a scout by the Indonesian forces.”

Malaysian Border Scouts comprising indigenous peoples of Borneo
Some 1,500 men from the indigenous tribes of Sabah and Sarawak were recruited by the Malaysian government as Border Scouts under the command of Richard Noone and other officers from the Senoi Praaq to counter the Indonesian infiltrations. Credit: Public Domain in Malaysia and US.

Getting close with the Sarawakians near Kalimantan border as a military strategy

Speaking of the British soldiers, blending in with the locals is part of the Commonwealth forces’ military strategy.

The Director of Operations in Borneo during the confrontation was General Sir Walter Walker.

General Walker once stated, “We set out to speak their language and respect their customs and religion. We sent small highly work among them, to protect them and share their danger, to get to know them and gain their confidence. These troops were as friendly, understanding and patient to the villagers as they were tough and ruthless in the jungle. We sought to give the villagers a feeling of security by day and night, through the presence of phantom patrols and through constant visits by the civil administration, the police and the army. We helped their agriculture, improved their communications and trading facilities, improved their water supply, provided medical clinics and a flying doctor service, established schools, provided transistor wireless sets and attractive programmes, and so on.”

Additionally, Walker saw winning popular support as ‘absolutely vital to the success of operations because by winning over the people to your side, you can succeed in isolating your enemy from supplies, shelter and intelligence.’

In the meantime, Captain David L. Watkins wrote in his paper Confrontation: the Struggle of Northern Borneo that unless villages along the border could be secure day and night from Indonesian intruders, they could be intimidated into providing the enemy aid.

“Although an armed patrol could not be posted in every village, frequent visits could be made, not only by soldiers, but by police and civil administrators as well. These visits had several purposes, two of which were to ‘encourage the loyal to give information and to discourage the few disloyal from doing anything that would disturb the uneasy peace’.”

The safety of the locals came first

At the same time, Walker emphasised that the security and safety of the local Sarawakians would always come first.

He once wrote his command, “went to any length to keep our hands clean. One civilian killed by us would do more harm than ten killed by the enemy.”

He added, “If the price a village had to pay for its liberation from the enemy was to be its own destruction, then the campaign for hearts and minds would never have been won.”

As much as the Commonwealth forces as well as the government wanted to protect its people, deaths are inevitable during war (although this war was never officially declared).

In the end of the Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation, the total number of civilian casualties are 36 killed and 53 wounded.

Why did Indonesia give guerrilla training to Sarawak Chinese youths during Konfrontasi?

During Konfrontasi or the Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation, Indonesia lent their support to Sarawak Chinese.

But why?

When the formation of Malaysia was proposed, President Sukarno-led Indonesia was not the only who opposed the idea.

The Sarawak Communist movement was also against the idea of Malaysia.

Instead, the Sarawak Communists supported the idea of unification of all Borneo territories to form an independent leftist North Kalimantan state.

They gained support from Sukarno who let the Sarawak Communist Organisation use Indonesian Kalimantan as a base to build up a guerrilla force.

Why did Sarawak Chinese youths turn to communism at that time?

The then Sarawak Deputy Chief Minister, James Wong might have the right explanation on why communism seemed to be attractive to Sarawak Chinese youths.

As what was reported by Sabah Times on Dec 28, 1963, Wong stated,

“As we all know some of the younger generation of Chinese in Sarawak have been much affected by the teachings of Communism. There are all sorts of reason for this.

Many young Chinese are proud of the achievements of Communist China and feel that what is good in China should be copied here. Others have had their sense of idealism twisted and misused by the Communist leaders in the country who teach that Communism is the only road to justice in this world.

Others are discontented because they cannot get good jobs or feel they are not making enough money or that they do not own enough land and that Communism will provide the answer to all their problems.

The older people do not subscribe to these ideas, but many of the older Chinese in Sarawak are people who, in China, never received a proper education.

They are overawed by the fact that so many of their children can claim to possess an education and they defer to the views of their youngsters. They are unable or unwilling to exercise the restraints and disciplines which parents should be able to exercise.”

The testimony of a young Sarawak Chinese

According to a Sarawak Tribune report which was published on Dec 8, 1965, a young Sarawak Chinese revealed his experience being recruited into CCO.

“About April or May 1962, subject to the propaganda and influence of a cadre of the clandestine communist organisation, I joined the Farmer’s Association under the Sarawak clandestine communist organisation. In August of the same year I was again recommended by my leader to join the Sarawak Advanced Youths Association, a secret communist organisation.
Later in November, I was sent by my leader to do racial work in Tebedu. Meanwhile a racial work cell for Tebedu area was formed with me as one of the cell members.

Our method of work was to make use of the SUPP (Sarawak United People’s Party) by asking the masses to join the party openly and then to absorb the better elements amongst the SUPP members into the Farmer’s Association.

In April 1963, our leader informed us that the organisation was prepared for armed struggle and wanted to send persons to receive military training in Indonesia. The Organisation wanted us to make a road from 23rd mile to Kampong Sidek in Indonesia via Tebedu.

The route was divided into four sections, and in May that year this new jungle track was completed secretly. On June 1st, the first batch of Sarawak youths of both sexes, about 40 in number, escaped to Indonesia by this jungle track.”

It was reported that harsh and contemptuous treatment by the Indonesians, as well as deprivations of jungle life had caused some of these Chinese to lose their ardour.

By the end of 1963, some of these Sarawak Chinese youths began to ‘trickle back into Sarawak’.

Those Communist exiles in Indonesia who have stayed behind, eventually would form the core of the North Kalimantan Communist Party’s two guerrilla formations.

The first one would be Sarawak People’s Guerrilla Force (SPGF) or Pasukan Gerilya Rakyat Sarawak (PGRS). Meanwhile, the second one was North Kalimantan People’s Army (Paraku).

With the assistance of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PGRS was formed Mar 30, 1964 at Mount Asuansang in West Kalimantan.

How many of the Sarawak Chinese youths were in Kalimantan?

According to Justus M. Van Der Kroef in The Sarawak-Indonesian Border insurgency, “Already by mid-1964 more than one thousand Sarawak Chinese, mostly youths had crossed into Indonesia to receive guerrilla training, subsequently returning with Indonesian terrorist units, while others affiliated with the TNKU (Tentera Nasional Kalimantan Utara).”

It is believed that Sarawak Chinese youths were still slipping over the border into Indonesia to train for guerrilla war against their home state as late as March 1966.

As for the sympathisers, Herald-Journal’s report on Sept 2, 1971 might had some explanation on why some Sarawakians were not totally against communism.

First of all, the communists actually helped the people in the fields and give them medical care.

Additionally, the report stated, “Some farmers and villagers almost never see a government official; often the Communists win simply by default. In rural areas, Chinese shopkeepers have found it safer to keep quiet and roll with the punches. They don’t resist if a guerrilla demands bicycles so the frames can be made into shotguns.”

There were other impacts of communists insurgency in Sarawak mainly due to the curfew implemented in the state.

Herald-Journal reported, “Babies died of malnutrition and of diseases that could be cured because their families couldn’t go out after help. Government teams offered some relief but not all people could be reached by the limited staff.”

In the meantime, the British Intelligence estimated that there might be some 24,000 Chinese Communist sympathisers at a point in Sarawak.

The end of communist insurgency in Sarawak

While the confrontation officially ended on Aug 11, 1966, the communist insurgency in Sarawak continued until 1990.

The number of communist operatives distinctly decreased in the 1973-1974 when Sarawak then Chief Minister Abdul Rahman Ya’kub managed to convince several of the insurgents to lay down their arms.

One of their leaders Bong Kee Chok surrendered along with 481 of his supporters.

The final peace agreement communist insurgency was ratified in Kuching on Oct 17, 1990.

That was when the last of the communist operatives officially surrendered, marking the end of communist insurgency in Sarawak.

Members of the SPGF NKNA and TNI taking picture together
Members of the Sarawak People’s Guerilla Force (SPGF), North Kalimantan National Army (NKNA) and Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) taking photograph together marking the close relations between them during Indonesia under the rule of Sukarno. Credit: Copyright Expired.

Was the first contact between James Brooke and the Kanowits a peaceful one?

The name of Kanowit town comes from the earliest ethnic group who settled in the area, the Kanowits. Today, they are often referred to as Melanau Kanowit.

Their first contact with the British took place in 1846 when the steamer, the Phlegethon, commanded by James Brooke and Captain Rodney Mundy sailed up the Rajang River.

Brooke would have been 43 years of age at the time, and would have been Rajah of Sarawak for four years since the Sultan of Brunei had granted him the title.

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James Brooke

On June 29, they arrived in the area that we know now as Kanowit town.

Imagine the Kanowits’ reaction watching an unfamiliar vessel came to shore with people of different skin, eye and hair colour on board… it would have been bound to create some havoc at that time.

So did their first meeting turn out a peaceful one or was there some blowpipe action going on?

Phlegethon repelling an attack from the forts of Borneo Proper
The Steamer Phlegethon and the Boats of Rear Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane’s Squadron, Repelling an Attack from the Forts at Borneo Proper, By Captain Thomas Cochrane (1789–1873), Phlegethon, 8 July 1846. Credit: Creative Commons

The answer lies in Mundy’s journal as he describes their first encounter with the Kanowits as follows:

Shortly after noon our pilots pointed out the neck of land round which, in a small bay, was situated the village of Kanowit, and above the trees we caught sight of numerous flags, and the matted roofs of houses.

The admiral (Rajah James Brooke) now ordered the steamer to be kept as close as possible to the over-hanging palms; and with our paddle-box just grazing their feathery branches, we shot rapidly round the point, and the surprise was complete; so complete, indeed, that groups of matrons and maidens who, surrounded by numerous children, were disporting their sable forms in the silvery stream, and enjoying, under the shade of the lofty palms, its refreshing waters, had scarcely time to screen themselves from the gaze of the bold intruders on their sylvan retreat.

It would be difficult to describe the horror and consternation of these wild Dayak ladies as the anchor of the Phlegethon dropped from her bows into the centre of the little bay selected for their bathing ground.

The first impression seemed to have stupified both old and young, as they remained motionless with terror and astonishment. When conscious, however, of the terrible apparition before them, they set up a loud and simultaneous shriek, and fleeing rapidly from the water, dragged children of all ages and sizes after them, and rushed up their lofty ladders for refuge; then we heard the tom-tom beat to arms, and in every direction the warriors were observed putting on their wooden and woollen armour, and seeking their spears and sumpitans.

In ten minute all seemed ready for the fight, though evidently more anxious to find the extraordinary stranger inclined for peace. Meanwhile, the steamer swinging gradually to the young flood, and so drawing her stern within a few yards of the landing-place, brought into view the whole of the under part of the floor of this immense building erected at the very brink of the stream; for the piles on which it was supported were forty feet in height, and although at this short distance, had these savages chosen to attack us, a few of the spears and poisoned arrows might have reached our decks, it was evident that their own nest thus raised in the air, though containing 300 desperate men, was entirely at our mercy.

The chief, who was a very old man, with about thirty followers, then came on board. He was profusely tattooed all over the body, and like the rest of his savage crew, was a hideous object. The lobes of his ears hung nearly to his shoulders, and in them immense rings were fixed. Round his waist he wore a girdle of rough bark which fell below his knees, and on his ankles large rings of various metals. With the exception of the waistcloth, he was perfectly naked. We knew that this old rascal and the whole tribe were pirates downright and hereditary.

Having dismissed our visitors, we all landed and some of us mounting ladders of these extraordinary houses, presented ourselves as objects of curiosity to the women and children. I could stand upright in the room, and looking down at the scene below, might have fancied myself seated on the top-mast cross-trees. Having traversed every part of the long gallery thus level with the summits of the trees, and distributed the few gifts we had to bestow on the women and children, we turned our backs on the pendant human skulls, and retracing our steps to terra firma, immediately proceeded to the Phlegethon.

Unfortunately, the forty foot high longhouse which Brooke and Mundy visited is long gone. Additionally, we can hardly see a Kanowit man with full-bodied tattoos and long ear lobes these days.

Admiral of the Fleet Sir George Rodney Mundy
Sir Rodney Mundy by Grillet Jr, albumen carte-de-visite, 1860s. Credits: Creative Commons

If only the Kanowits knew how Mundy thought and described of them then, would their first encounter have been a peaceful one?

Pigs reared in Batu Lintang Camp had better food than the POWs

When Batu Lintang camp was liberated on Sept 11, 1945 by the Australian 9th Division, the camp population was 2,024.

Overall, there were 1,392 prisoners of wars (POWs), 395 were male civilian internees and 237 were civilian women and children.

There were two death orders found among the official Japanese papers at the Japanese-run internment camp. Both papers described how to execute every POW and internee in the camp.

For unknown reasons, the first death order which was scheduled on Aug 17 or 18 was not carried out.

Meanwhile, the second order was scheduled on Sept 15, four days after the camp was liberated.

While Batu Lintang POW Camp was able to escape mass executions, it does not change the fact that hundreds of POWs died there during World War II (WWII).

Batu Lintang Camp FOSM
Flying over the prisoner of war camp (POW) in Batu Lintang at a low height, RAAF Beaufighter pilots reported sighting white POWs, clad in khaki shorts, who excitedly waved as the RAAF aircraft flew over to drop leaflets announcing Japan’s surrender. Credits: Public Domain (Copyright expired). https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/C242106

The war crime trials against the Japanese officers of Batu Lintang Camp

Batu Lintang Camp
Th Sydney Morning Report’s headline on Batu Lintang POW Camp trial news.

On Dec 18, 1945, The Sydney Morning Herald reported on the war crime trial held against the Japanese soldiers in-charge of Batu Lintang Camp.

Lieutenant R. Balzer, the prosecuting officer, told the court that between 600 and 700 POWs including Australian officers of the Eight Division, died in Batu Lintang Camp.

The prisoners died due to starvation, brutal assaults, and denial of available medical supplies.

They were suffering from all kinds of diseases such as malaria, beriberi, dysentery, dengue fever, diphtheria, scabies and skin infections.

The four accused were Captain Takeo Nakato and Motoi Tokino and Lieutenants Ojima and Yamamoto.

The news report stated, “Lieutenant Isaki, giving evidence against his own countrymen, said the only meat the prisoners received was pig’s heads. All the prisoners were in bad condition, while the Japanese were in excellent condition. He admitted that 400 Allied prisoners had died of malnutrition in the last 12 months of the war.”

Meanwhile, Colonel W. Lempriere showed the court medical evidence stating that if 2,000 survivors, including 170 Australian officers, had not received medical attention and proper diet, the majority would have died within three months.

One victim had the incredible weight of 3st 4lb (about 20kg) when rescued, and was still in a dreadful condition.

Balzer accused the defendants of ‘unmitigated sadism’ and of making a carefully calculated plot slowly to kill off the prisoners.

Moreover, Balzer claimed that the diet fed to the camp’s pigs was more nutritious than the food given to the prisoners.

In the end, the four officers were found guilty on all charges and sentenced to deaths.

So how bad the was the condition on Batu Lintang Camp?

Fred Bindon was a private in the Australian Army when he was captured in Singapore. He was then sent to Batu Lintang camp.

There, he convinced the Japanese Army officers that he was a cook. He was then allowed to be a cook in the kitchen.

Taking this opportunity, he would steal food and give it to the other prisoners and internees.

His granddaughter, Paula Mcloughlin told the Borneo Post in 2017, “Sometimes he was caught for stealing food. He had some bamboo scars underneath his nails and he said that was very torturous.”

In the meantime, Eric Oliver was another POW imprisoned at Batu Lintang Camp. He was a warrant officer in the United Kingdom’s Royal Air Force (RAF).

He was forced to ditch his plane in the Sunda Strait between Java and Sumatra after being shot up by the Japanese.

Oliver was then captured and imprisoned in Changi Jail before he was sent to Kuching.

According to Lancashire Post, Oliver was on grave digging duty during his imprisonment.

He buried up to ten of his comrades every day towards the end of his incarceration.

Oliver’s misery did not end with the war, he went home suffering from post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Sometimes, he woke up in the middle of the night crying telling his wife, “I keep thinking about the lads who died.”

By June-July 1946, the bodies in the cemetery at Batu Lintang camp had been exhumed. They were then reburied in the Labuan War Cemetery.

Besides the officers, the Australian war crime court also charged 45 guards (mostly Formosan), suspected of ill-treating prisoners at the Batu Lintang camp.

The court acquitted three of the guards and sentenced the remainder to terms of imprisonment ranging from one year to life.

The forgotten All Saints Chapel of Sandakan POW Camp

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The ruins of huts in the prisoner of war camp, Sandakan, North Borneo, October 1945. Those who were too ill for the march were eventually murdered here. Credits: Public Domain (Copyright expired) Courtesy Australian War Memorial: 120457

Do you know there was an Anglican chapel at Sandakan prisoners of war (POW) Camp? The priest, Padre Albert Thompson who founded the church called it ‘All Saints’.

The Sandakan POW camp was infamously known as the starting point of the notorious Sandakan Death Marches.

The last prisoners of the camp was John Skinner who was beheaded on Aug 15, 1945, five hours before the Japanese Emperor announced his country’s unconditional surrender.

Life on the camp was beyond horrible, especially towards the end of the war. The prisoners were subjected to shock and water torture.

Those who committed ‘crimes’ such as stealing food from the camp kitchen were imprisoned in a small cage similar to a dog cage.

They were placed there up to 30 days with little food.

In the midst of the torture and suffering, a number of the prisoners found hope and faith through the camp’s All Saints Chapel.

The description of All Saints Chapel

Chaplain
Shand’s tribute to Padre Thompson.

The description of the chapel can be found in a letter written by Lieutenant Sergeant H.W. Shand to Gladys Minnie Thompson. She was the wife of Chaplain Thompson.

“Space was at a premium, and all quarters overcrowded in the extreme, so with a few willing helpers, he got to work and dug out an area under one of the huts, which he made into a rather beautiful little chapel.

“The furnishings, ornaments, etc., were made from odd bits of materials scrounged by working parties, and then carved by various fellows in the camp. The cross and altar of wood were very nicely made. Altar hangings consisted of some cloth he had saved and intended one day to have made into a cassock.”

According to Shand, Thompson called the chapel ‘All Saints’ and calling the Sandakan POW Camp his parish.

The servers of All Saints Chapel

Shand wrote, “Although by no means an ardent churchman myself, and of no practical assistance to him, I am proud to say that I became a friend of his. Apart from ordinary church parades and services for regular churchgoers, he began his work by conducting hymn singing sessions, with a short service each Sunday night. Even song usually followed these.”

As for the layman servers of the chapel, Shand stated “Church wardens and a vestry council were appointed, and one man on light duties acted as verger and cared for the chapel. A Church of England Men’s Society was formed, and many new members were regularly admitted.”

As time went by, All Saints Chapel came to be packed for all services, both on Sundays and midweek evening.

This was despite the fact that most of the men had been out all day doing manual labour building Sandakan airstrip.

Padre Thompson’s sacrifice for his parishioners

Writing to Mrs Thompson about her husband’s life at the camp, Shand stated, “You will understand that many of these things were done in the face of opposition by the Japanese at times, and under difficult and disheartening circumstances. His normal and important work of cheering the sick, etc., went on all the time.”

Even though there were times Thompson was not required to do manual work, he would go out with the rest in order to give someone badly needed rest.

While Shand was one of the 150 POWs chosen to Batu Lintang Camp, Kuching in October 1943, Thompson was left behind in Sandakan with the rest which included almost 2,000 prisoners.

Batu Lintang Camp FOSM
Flying over the prisoner of war camp (POW) in Batu Lintang at a low height, RAAF Beaufighter pilots reported sighting white POWs, clad in khaki shorts, who excitedly waved as the RAAF aircraft flew over to drop leaflets announcing Japan’s surrender. Credits: Public Domain (Copyright expired). https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/C242106

The life of Padre Albert Thompson

The Reverend Albert Henry Thompson was serving in the Australian Army Chaplains Department during World War II (WWII).

He was taken prisoner at Singapore in February 1942. At first, he was sent to Changi Prison as a POW. Then in July that year, he was sent to Sandakan in British North Borneo (Sabah) .

The chaplain was on the second phase of the marches to Ranau, a distance of approximately 260km away through mountainous terrains.

The Japanese decided to move the prisoners as they were anticipating Allied forces landing.

Historian Lynette Silver wrote that his POW column was about two kilometers east of a place called Tampias where Thompson struggling with walking due to a large suppurating ulcer on a foot.

Then, two Japanese officers removed him from the line and ordered him not to go further.

To this day, we might never know whether the Japanese killed him or he was left to die due to his condition.

Record stated that Thompson died on June 19, 1945 at the age of 42.

In his letter which was published on Advocate on Mar 27, 1946, Shand also paid tribute to the late priest.

“Of one thing I am sure – Albert Thompson died as he lived, steadfast in his faith and his church, and setting an example in fellowship and self-sacrifice to those about him.”

As for Thompson’s little chapel the All Saints, it was burned to the ground along with the rest of the camp sometime in May 1945.

Kundasang War Memorial 8
Kundasang War Memorial which was dedicated to those who died during Sandakan Death Marches including Padre Thompson.

The Berhala Eight, the daring escape from Berhala Island during WWII

Located in Sandakan Bay, Malaysian state of Sabah, the Berhala island is a small forested island.

Before World War II (WWII), the island was used as a layover station for labourers coming from China and the Philippines. There was also a leper colony on the island.

Then during WWII, the Japanese used the quarantine station as a makeshift internment camp for both prisoners-of-war (POWs) and civilian internees.

The POWs and civilian internees were stationed on Berhala Island before they were sent Sandakan POW Camp or Batu Lintang Camp respectively.

In June 1943, the island witnessed a thrilling escape of eight POWs worthy enough to inspire a Hollywood movie.

The eight-member group later became known as The Berhala Eight.

Jock McLaren of Berhala Eight

The Berhala Eight were Lieutenant Charles Wagner, Sergeant Rex Butler, Captain Raymond Steele, Lieutenant Rex Blow, Lieutenant Leslie Gillon, Sapper Jim Kennedy, Private Robert “Jock” McLaren and Sergeant Walter.

Among them, the widely known one was Jock McLaren.

During World War I (WWI), McLaren was serving in the British Army. After the war, he moved to Queensland, Australia where he was working as veterinary officer.

When the WWII broke out, he joined in the Australian Imperial Force.

According to Senior News, McLaren was assigned in British Malaya when Singapore fell to the Japanese army.

He was then captured as a prisoner of war alongside 80,000 British, Indian and Australian troops in Singapore.

However, McLaren was not going to bow down to the Japanese and stay in Changi prison quietly. Together with two other soldiers, he made his escape from Singapore.

They almost made it to Kuala Lumpur before they were betrayed to the Japanese by the local Malays.

By September 1942, McLaren was back where he was first imprisoned at Changi prison. But, ass the saying goes, “If at first you don’t succeed, try, try, try again.”

So he planned his escape again. This time, he managed to slip into a group of prisoners called ‘E’ Force.

As part of ‘E’ Force, McLaren was among 500 British and 500 Australian POWs who departed Singapore on Mar 23, 1943.

They boarded SS De Klerk, an abandoned Dutch passenger-cargo liner which was refloated by the Japanese who renamed it ‘Imabri Maru’.

The ship reached Kuching, Sarawak on Apr 1 and departed eight days later for Berhala Island.

On Apr 14, the men of ‘E’ Force arrived on the island where they stayed for six weeks before being transferred to the Sandakan POW Camp.

SS De Klerk 1
SS De Klerk. Credits: Public Domain.

Life on Berhala Island for the ‘E’ Force

According to the War Memorial Australia, the Berhala Camp was enclosed by barbed wire, was set back about 160 yards from the sea.

The toilets were outside the wire, which gave intending escapees and excuse for being outside the camp.

Once again, McLaren tried to escape. He knew that once he been transferred to Sandakan POW camp, it would be harder for him to escape. For him, the escape had to be made from Berhala Camp.

Together with Kennedy, the duo joined a wood-carrying party during their stay at the Berhala Camp. This allowed them to move around the island while planning an escape plan in their heads.

They saw the leper colony there had a small boat. McLaren then planned to use it for their escape.

Meanwhile, another escape party was being formed by Steele, Blow, Wagner, Gillon and Wallace.

Both parties made contact with a corporal from North Borneo Constabulary, Koram bin Anduat to help with their escape.

Koram advised them to make for Tawi-tawi island in the Philippines which was about 250km west of Sandakan.

McLaren then realised that it would be a long, hard and dangerous row to Tawi-tawi. He needed another man so he approached Rex Butler.

As described by Hal Richardson in his book One-man War: The Jock McLaren Story (1957) on the escape as:

“A tall thin grazier from South Australia who had been a buffalo shooter in the Northern Territory and could shoot a buffalo’s eye out at fifty yards. Butler appeared to have the necessary nerve too. There was no room in the party for a man who was likely to crack when the heat was on.”

McLaren believed that Kennedy could withstand the pressure. After watching Butler moving around the camp and his coolness under the provocation of guards, he was confident that Butler was the man for his escape team.

McLaren, Kennedy and Butler made their escape from Berhala Island

On June 4, 1943, the Japanese bought a large barge and ordered the POWs to be prepared for transfer to Sandakan the next morning.

The Berhala Eight took it as a sign that they must escape that night before being transferred.

Under the pretense of using the restroom, the eight Australians left the camp in the middle of the night.

The men then collected their hidden supplies and clothes before going into hiding in the forest.

The next day, after stealing a boat from the leper colony, McLaren, Kennedy and Butler began their gruelling journey to Tawi-tawi.

With no sail, and with just the use of wooden paddles, the three men paddled their way through the raging ocean for their lives.

The men travelled by night in order to avoid the tropical heat.

Even with their frail bodies after spending the past 16 months on little food in the POW camps, the trio made it to Tawi-tawi island.

Thankfully, the men were welcomed by friendly locals on the island.

Koram helping Steele and the rest to escape Berhala Island

In the meantime, Steele and the rest four men were still on the Berhala Island.

When McLaren and his group stole the boat from the lepers, it did not go as smoothly as planned. The lepers actually keep on pursuing them.

After that, the lepers went to the Japanese to report on the incident.

Now, it became dangerous as the Japanese are looking for the remaining five escapees.

That was when Koram and his wisdom came to work.

According to Bayanihan News, on the night of the last POWs had been transferred to Sandakan, Koram borrowed a pair of boots from one of his Australian friends.

“Then he quietly made his way to the cluster of houses near the shore. He untied one of the boats belonging to an islander, made a hole in the bottom of the boat and shoved it into the flowing waters of the estuary where it was carried some distance away before it sank out of sight in the deep water.

He stole two more boats, and did the same with them. He then put on a pair of Australian army boots which he had managed to get hold of earlier, and stomped around on the spot on the seashore, leaving a lot of tracks. Then he quietly returned to the mainland undetected.Early the next day, there was a great hue and cry when the three islanders awoke to find their boats gone. They reported the matter to the Japanese, who went to investigate.

When they saw the boot prints in the mud they concluded that the Australian POWs must have taken the boats and escaped from the island, and they immediately mounted a search at sea. They never realized that the escapees were still on the island.”

Steele and the rest made their escape using kumpit

With the help of local guerrillas, the remaining five POWs made their escape from the island.

Using a local boat called kumpit, the POWs were told to lie in the hold. Then planks were placed on them with sacks of rice on top of the planks.

There was one nerve-wracking moment when a Japanese destroyer stopped the kumpit to check on it.

Thankfully, the Japanese decided not to board the boat but let it pass.

On June 24, all members of The Berhala Eight reunited on Tawi-tawi.

The Berhala Eight staying to fight

Due to lack of transportation and the need for experienced leaders, The Berhala Eight stayed with the guerrillas to fight against the Japanese.

Unfortunately, Butler was killed in action while on a fighting patrol at Dungun river of Tawi-tawi.

His body was then decapitated by the local Moros who were friendly with the Japanese.

Meanwhile, the rest of the POWs made their way to Mindanao to join the American and Filipino guerillas under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Wendell Fertig.

Colonel Wendell Fertig With Goatee And Conical Hat
Colonel Fertig wearing red goatee and conical hat in the Philippines during World War II. Credits: Public Domain.

On Dec 21, 1943, Wagner was killed during an engagement with the Japanese at Liangan in Lanao province.

After battling with the Japanese for some time, Gillon, Steele, Wallace and Kennedy were evacuated from the Philippines by the USS Narwhal on Mar 2, 1944.

Meanwhile Blow and McLared remained with the guerrillas until the Australian government requested their return.

The impact of Berhala Eight

In the book Fighting Monsters: An Intimate History of the Sandakan Tragedy, Richard Wallace Braithwaite described the impact of the escape on the remaining POWs.

“The key to the success of the ‘Berhala Eight’ was help from local people, and this worried the Japanese. From now on, they killed recaptured escapees and punished the camp from which they escaped through cutting rations. As a result, senior Allied officers were by this stage strongly discouraging escapes.

“The Australian prisoners probably did not realise how seriously the Japanese viewed this development of local collaborators helping prisoners escape. All this undoubtedly reflected poorly on Hoshijima (Sandakan POW Camp’s Person-in-Charge Captain Susumi Hoshijima) and invoked a strong response. While all POWs at Sandakan suffered harsher treatment, the Australians were seen by the Japanese as the main problem.

“Most prisoners now acknowledged the likely consequences for the individual and for the camp of any escape attempt. Most became content to stand on the side of the chessboard but continued to dream of escape.”

When the Berhala Eight made their escape, they would not have thought of how the Japanese would retaliate against the remaining POWs and local people who tried to help the prisoners.

Nonetheless, their escape from Berhala Island saved their lives as they then missed the infamous Sandakan Death Marches and executions of Sandakan POW Camp.

340px Awm121749 Berhala Island
Jock McLaren (at left) returning to Berhala Island in October 1945. Awm121749. Credit: Public Domain (Copyright Expired).

What happened to the 300 prisoners of Labuan POW camp during WW2?

Batu Lintang Camp FOSM
Flying over the prisoner of war camp (POW) in Batu Lintang at a low height, RAAF Beaufighter pilots reported sighting white POWs, clad in khaki shorts, who excitedly waved as the RAAF aircraft flew over to drop leaflets announcing Japan’s surrender. Credits: Public Domain (Copyright expired). https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/C242106

When it comes to prisoner-of-war (POW) camps in Malaysian Borneo, most people immediately think of Batu Lintang in Kuching and Sandakan POW camps.

What is less known is that Labuan had a POW camp for some time during World War II (WWII).

The purpose of Labuan POW Camp

By 1944, the Japanese military decided to build an airstrip on Labuan to give additional air cover for Brunei Bay.

Captain Nagai Hirawa was appointed to command the Labuan POW Camp. He arrived in Labuan with 300 British POWs from Sandakan on June 16, 1944.

Another 200 POWs arrived from Kuching on Aug 15, 1944.

According to post-war investigation report, the camp was originally sited on the grounds of the Victoria Golf Club.

However due to the constant air raids by Allied forces over the waterfront area, the campsite was moved to a new compound 3 miles north of the harbour.

It was here that the POWs were kept until they departed for Brunei on Mar 7, 1945.

Tracing the steps of the prisoners

Agnes McEwan and Campbell Thompson summarised briefly the footsteps of POWS in Labuan.

“In August 1944, Tom Tadman, Charles Shun, John Parker and Frederick Wain were among a group of 300 sent to Labuan to construct an airfield intended for the defence of a fleet anchorage planned for Brunei Bay,” they stated.

Reportedly, life was not too bad for the POWs. Things changed in October that year when the Allies began bombing airfields in the region, including Labuan.

The Japanese started to reduce rations for the prisoners and then the death tolls began to increase significantly.

On Jan 23, 1945 Captain Nagai left for Ranau and his place was taken by Sergeant Major Sugino.

McEwan and Thompson wrote, “By March 1945, 188 of the prisoners taken to Labuan had died. Due to the proximity of Allied shipping, the remainder began the move back to Kuching.”

On their way to meet deaths

Captain Nagai claimed that POWs were given quinine for their malaria. Even so, with the lack of food combined with heavy labour that they were forced to do, it came as no surprise why many of them did not survive.

The group arrived in Brunei on Mar 8, 1945 and remained there until the beginning of May.

By this time, only 82 men arrived from the initial 300.

From there, the remaining 82 men were taken to Kuala Belait and on to Miri on May 28.

Then on June 8, the POWs had now been reduced to 46. The Japanese ordered them to make their way into the jungle along a rough track where they rested for two days.

McEwan and Thompson stated, “There the Japanese officer in charge, Sergeant Major Sugino, received news that the Australian 9th Division had landed at Brunei Bay, only 125 miles away. As a precaution against the prisoners being rescued, Sugino decided to put into operation the Final Disposition – the murder of all POWs.”

They were shot to death and their bodies buried by the guards.

In search of one of the soldiers continues

In 2017, the Telegraph reported on how a retiree living in London had spent much of the past 75 years looking for his brother’s grave.

Len Tadman talked about how he and his two sisters had visited Singapore and Borneo five times trying to retrace his brother’s steps.

So what happened to Len’s brother, Tom Tadman?

McEwan and Thompson in their book revealed some of the fates of these prisoners of Labuan POWs camp, including Tom’s.

Tom, or Lance Bombardier Thomas Tadman, died in Brunei on Apr 3, 1945. His cause of death is unknown.

Meanwhile, others who were part of the Labuan group like Gunner Charles Shun, Staff Sergeant John Parker and Gunner Frederick Wain who died in Labuan at different times throughout 1944 to 1945 were also never recovered.

What happened to Labuan POW camp?

awm 123170
Military police guard four Japanese officers of the Borneo Prisoners of War and Internees Guard Unit, outside the Australian 9th Division Headquarters where they were to appear at a war crimes trial, Labuan Island, December 1945. AWM 123170

Soldiers of the Australian 24th Brigade landed in Labuan on June 10, 1945. They quickly captured the harbour and main airfield.

Meanwhile, the Japanese offered little resistance as they were greatly outnumbered.

When the Australian forces arrived at the abandoned Labuan POW camp in June, they only found unmarked graves.

After the Allied forces liberated POW camps in Batu Lintang and Sandakan, they started to round up the Japanese soldiers and their Formosan guards responsible for abuses and killings.

They housed them in the former Labuan POW camp site and turned the site into a military court.

Labuan became one of the 16 locations of the war crime trials held between December 1945 and January 1946.

During one of the trials, Sugino was charged with having ‘caused to be killed 46 POWs at Miri on June 10, 1945’. He was found guilty and sentenced to death.

Of the 300 POWs who had left for Labuan in 1944, not even one was left alive. Hence, none was left to tell their stories of what really happened at Labuan POW camp.

Formosan Guards

The forgotten Javanese forced labourers of Sandakan during WWII

The forgotten Javanese forced labourers or romusha of Sandakan during WWII

The Allied Prisoners of Wars (POWs) who were taken to Sandakan during World War II (WWII) had one job, to build an airstrip for the Japanese.

The site of the Sandakan airstrip was selected during WWII for a United Kingdom’s Royal Air Force (RAF) airfield.

However by the time the Japanese had occupied Borneo, the British only managed to clear the area of vegetation.

When the Japanese arrived in Sandakan, they decided to complete the airstrip to use it as a refueling stop between peninsular Malaya and the Philippines.

In order to do that, the Japanese military needed manpower. They then transferred some 1,500 British and Australian POWs from Singapore to work on it.

Before they arrived, the Javanese forced labourers, also known as romusha, were already there breaking their backs working on the 1.4 km runway by hand.

These Javanese forced labourers were WWII’s version of human trafficking victims. While the Allied POWs were soldiers, the romushas were civilians.

Some were children that were taken from their homes in Java to work in a foreign land as Japanese slave labourers.

How the Javanese were taken from their homes to Sandakan

One of the rare insights on what it was like for the Javanese forced labourers in Sandakan can be found Richard Wallace Braithwaite’s Fighting Monsters: An Intimate History of the Sandakan Tragedy.

In 2013, Braithwaite managed to interview Haji Losah bin Sondikormah, a former romusha still living in Sandakan.

Losah was only 12 when he was picked up by Japanese soldiers as he was walking home from school in Sragen in Central Java.

He was imprisoned in a camp in Solo for three months while more Javanese forced labourers were brought in. At first the Japanese sent them to Jakarta. Then, 6,000 of them were put on a ship for Sandakan.

Most of them were boys around the same age as Losah but some were men in their 50s.

According to Losah, they arrived in Sandakan in 1942 before the Allied POWs.

Besides working on the airstrip, they were also working on the roads in the town area.

Life in Sandakan

Losah recalled that the Allied bombing started in 1944 as they were put to work on the airstrip at night. In one raid that he remembered, 300 Javanese forced labourers were killed.

Braithwaite wrote, “The Japanese only provided them with rice. They made salt from seawater and occasionally were able to collect wild fruit and tapioca. They were not allowed to develop gardens but secretly grew the green vegetable, kang kong.”

While the Allied POWs were able to trade some vegetables or other food with whatever possession they had, the Javanese forced labourers did not engage in trading as they had nothing to trade in the first place.

During the first year of Sandakan POW camp, the prisoners were given some medical treatment while the Javanese had no medicine at all.

Making things worse for them, they did not know what kind of disease or sickness that they were suffering from.

Many of them eventually died in large numbers due to disease.

The Japanese did not guard them like the Allied POWS but some of them were given arms and responsibilities to guard the rice store.

sandakan huts 595x443 1
The ruins of huts in the prisoner of war camp, Sandakan, North Borneo, October 1945. Those who were too ill for the march were eventually murdered here. Courtesy Australian War Memorial: 120457

Working under the Japanese

“They were organised into groups of 24 under a Javanese hancho who did not have to do manual work. Everyone had to go to work each day, irrespective of the health. No one was paid,” Braithwaite stated.

Besides working on construction, the romushas were the coolies of the Japanese. One of the things they had to endure was becoming the Japanese undertaker. Records and testimonies had showed that they were the ones tasked to bury dead prisoners especially after execution.

Overall, the Javanese forced labourers were treated as equally brutally as the Allied POWs.

Losah shared to Braithwaite that he once saw a friend have his ear sliced off by a Japanese soldier with a shovel.

With the Allied POWs, the Japanese had an English interpreter for them to communicate. One of the commanders of Sandakan POW camp, Captain Susumi Hoshijima could speak fluent English (though he often chose to have his interpreter translate his speech).

As for the Javanese, the Japanese gave them orders in a mixture of Japanese and Malay, neither of which they understood.

In order to survive, the Javanese tried to cooperate with the Japanese and no one tried to escape.

They were under threat of death not to communicate with the Allied POWs and were all kept away from the them.

Sandakan Death Marches

“There were too many deaths”

Some of the Javanese forced labourers tried to report to the Japanese when they saw the POWs outside the wire.

As it turned out, being an informant was a dangerous thing to do.

If the Japanese failed to find the ‘escaped’ prisoners, the Javanese could be arrested and even beheaded for giving ‘false information’.

Losah himself saw a POW outside the wire on two occasions but turned a blind eye.

Braithwaite wrote, “Haji Losah did not pray to Allah and could not remember ever seeing anyone else do so. When I asked why, he simply replied that there were too many deaths.

Arguably, the poor Javanese labourers had a worse camp life than the Australians at Sandakan.

Toward the end of the war

After the Allied POWs were sent in phases for the infamous Sandakan Death Marches, the Japanese set the camp area on fire sometime in May 1945.

Yuki Tanaka in his book Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II wrote that most of the POWs left at the camp were too weak to have undertaken the march.

“Because the camp buildings had been burned down, the prisoners were forced to improvise huts from whatever materials were at hand. These huts were without walls, and the roofs made of leaves and blankets, offered little protection from the often heavy rains.”

According to Tanaka by this time, apart from the prisoners, there remained one Japanese soldier, Sergeant Hisao Murozumi, 16 Formosan guards, a few Javanese labourers and five Chinese kitchen staff.”

If there were only a few Javanese labourers left, what happened to the rest of thousands of them?

They most probably had died due to diseases, bomb raiding and hopefully managed to escape for their lives.

What happened to these Javanese forced labourers after the war?

Hungry, sick and malnourished, those who survived the war were left abandoned by the Japanese.

Writing for Daily Express, Tan Sri Herman Luping stated, “Sure enough, soon after the war these Javanese labourers were roving the villages crying and begging for food as they were so hungry.”

After the war, the Allied POWs were honoured and remembered though memorials and writing.

Befittingly, some were given recognition and awards posthumously for their bravery and sacrifices.

While these Javanese forced labourers were working on the same airstrip with the Allied POWs, there are no commemorations to remember those who had perished.

Among those who survived, it is estimated only a thousand from the whole British Borneo (Sabah and Sarawak) returned home to Java.

Some like Losah, assimilated with the local communities and callSabah home.

According to Braithwaite, the romusha were seen as nobody’s responsibility.

He wrote, “It is clear that when Australian War Graves units discovered mass graves that were not Australian or British, the bodies were ignored.”

While most of the bodies of Allied POWs that were found after liberation were exhumed and reburied at Labuan War Cemetery, the bodies of Javanese forced labourers are most probably still lying somewhere in unmarked graves in Sandakan.

Although there could have been up to 6,000 of them working on the Sandakan airstrip during WWII, hardly anybody remembers them now, as if they were never there in the first place.

John Skinner, the last man executed at Sandakan POW Camp

“In the Sandakan prisoners’ compound, Warrant Officer Hisao Murozumi had his sword raised. It would be the last atrocity in this camp in this backwater of war. Terrible things happen in battle. In the heat and smoke of it, morality enters a strange world. Killing is survival. What Murozumi was about to do was barbarism. A prisoner, tall, thin, wearing only a loincloth was pushed down to kneel beside a slit trench. A black cloth was tied around his eyes. His hands were free because he was too weak to struggle. Murozumi carefully took his stance. It was a matter of pride to do this properly. He stood legs apart, arms above his head, the blade in a two-hand grip pointing directly backward, eyes fixed on the bare, supremely vulnerable back of neck. The sword flashed, John Skinner was beheaded and guards shovelled earth into the trench.”

That was how Cameron Forbes described the final moment of John Skinner in his book Hellfire.

Who was John Skinner? Why was he beheaded mercilessly? And what happened to the Japanese officer who swung his sword to kill Skinner?

John Skinner and his brother Edward “Ted”

According to The Sydney Morning Herald, John Skinner and his younger brother Edward were from Mount Mackenzie near Tenterfield, Australia.

When World War II broke out, the brothers were working for a timber contractor. Their job was considered a reserved occupation or essential service.

During WWII, this kind of occupation was deemed important enough to the country that those serving in such occupations were exempted from military service.

However, the brothers believed they should do their duty, so they enlisted.

Both were then posted to 2/10 Field ambulance and sent to Malaya.

After Singapore was defeated by Japan on Feb 15, 1942, they both became prisoners of war (POWs).

In July that year, they were among 1,500 POWs who boarded a Japanese hell ship and were sent to Sandakan in North Borneo (now Sabah).

The brothers separated at Sandakan POWs Camp

At first, life at the POW Camp was bearable. The POWs were tasked to build an airstrip for the Japanese and they had food to eat.

Things reportedly worsened in August 1943. Some suggested it was due to the arrival of Formosan guards who were more cruel than the Japanese.

Another factor might have been because the Japanese moved the Allied commanders and high-ranking officers who were imprisoned in Sandakan to Batu Lintang camp at Kuching.

Since then, there were no one left to fight for the rights of the POWs and boosted their morality. The Japanese also started to cut down their food and medicine supply, causing many to suffer from starvation and sickness.

In the beginning of 1945, the Japanese started to march the POWs westward into the mountainous town of Ranau, which was about 260km away.

They were sent in three phases. That was when the two brothers were separated as Edward was chosen to march to Ranau.

However, Edward was determined to survive and the only way to do that was to escape.

Together with him were Owen Campbell, Ted Emmet, Keith Costin and Sidney Webber.

They took along 12 tins of rice, six tins of salmon and some dried fish, all stolen from the Japanese.

Unfortunately, the group had one main problem, they were sick and malnourished.

The Fate of Edward Skinner

They made their escape on June 8, 1945, taking the small window of opportunity when an Allied plane flew over causing panic and chaos.

In Never Surrender: Dramatic Escape from Japanese Prison Camps, Mark Felton wrote that the group only managed to “painfully hobble a couple of miles through the jungle towards the coast before exhaustion and sickness stopped them in their tracks.”

“The following day Campbell had an attack of malaria severe enough that he could not walk any further and the whole group rested up. On 10 June Campbell felt sufficiently recovered to try again, but this time Ted Skinner’s dysentery meant that another member of their party was immobilised and once again the group rested in the jungle.”

That was when the group separated. Emmet, Webber and Costin went on heading to the coast. Campbell stayed with Edward.

Then, Edward did the unthinkable when Campbell went out to look for food.

Believing that he would not survive as he was sick with dysentery and he did not want to delay Campbell, Edward reportedly committed suicide by slitting his own throat.

His action came as a surprise for Campbell, as Edward was known for his faith and to always be carrying a bible with him during his imprisonment.

The last group of POWs at Sandakan POW Camp

Meanwhile, the key witness who watched what had happened to the remaining POWs at Sandakan was Wong Hiong.

At that time, he was a 15-year-old Chinese boy who worked in the Japanese cookhouse.

Since the remaining POWs were not able to march to Ranau, they were left in the open on stretchers, simply to die.

Paul Ham in his book Sandakan described the dehumanising situation that the POWS had gone through.

“The only food they get is a small rice ration; they drink whatever happens to fall on their faces. Some are barely able to open their mouths. The stronger ones manage to keep a few scant belongings by their side; a dixie, a blanket, a razor. The ration disappears and a small bucket of rice is dumped in their vicinity. Most prisoners can’t reach it.”

Wong tried to help the prisoners by stealing a little course of salt from the camp kitchen. But he was caught and beaten. Another friendly local named Ali Asa brought them some tapioca and kangkung. The men nibbled them uncooked.

Ham stated, “An English officer, Lieutenant Phillip Young dies on 26 July, and the rest fade away. In the first week of August, five survivors remain: the Australians John Davis, 34, Walter Hancock, 42, Ivan Sinclair, 36, and John Skinner, 31; and one British soldier Harold Rooker, 31. They beg for more food, but Ali Asa refuses: the Japanese threaten to shoot anyone caught helping the prisoners.”

On the morning of Aug 15, only one still alive among the group and that was John Skinner.

The witness of John Skinner’s death

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The ruins of huts in the prisoner of war camp, Sandakan, North Borneo, October 1945. Those who were too ill for the march were eventually murdered here. Courtesy Australian War Memorial: 120457

When Sergeant Hisao Murozumi executed Skinner, he did not expect to have any witnesses.

After the war ended, Murozumi testified at the Labuan War Crimes Tribunal in January 1946 that remaining POWs were not massacred.

He claimed that they all died one after another of illness starvation between July 13 and Aug 15.

Moreover, he commented that they did not shoot the remaining prisoners because they knew they would die in any case.

“We did not cook for the POWs at this stage; those who were able to crawl about were caring for the others. These POWs eventually died from lack of care and starvation, being too weak to eat. The last POW died about 15 August 1945. From 13 July to 13 August, 30 odd POWs died from malnutrition and lack of medical attention. As they died, their bodies were thrown into slit trenches by Javanese coolies and buried.”

Wong Hiong’s testimony

Sandakan Death Marches
The Australian Imperial Forces section of a cemetery at Sandakan camp. Credits: Australian War Memorial

Murozumi’s testimony clashed with Wong’s. Wong testified, “The one surviving POW came from No 3 Camp (Australia). His legs were covered in ulcers. He was a tall dark man with a long face and was naked except for a loin cloth.

One morning at 7am, I saw him taken to a place where there was a trench like a drain. I climbed up a rubber tree and saw what happened. Mirojumi (Murozumi) was with the man and fifteen Japs with spades were already at the spot. Mirojumi made the man kneel down and tied a black cloth over his eyes. He did not say anything or make any protest. He was so weak that his hands were not tied. Mirojumi cut his head off with one sword stroke. Mirojumi pushed the body into the drain with his feet. The head dropped into the drain. The other Japs threw in some dirt, covered the remains, and returned to the camp. The Japs went away the next day and that was the finish of my job.”

Was Murozumi charged for John Skinner’s death?

Unfortunately, John’s death was not one of the cases prosecuted during the war crime trials.

One main reason was Wong’s statement only came to light in April 1947, long after the Labuan trials were completed.

Besides, Yuki Tanaka in his book Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II wrote that at that time Murozumi was already serving a life sentence for his other crimes at the Sandakan camp.

“With only one witness and relatively little forensic evidence, the cases might well have been considered too weak to make successful prosecution a likely outcome,” Tanaka wrote.

Five hours after John was executed, Emperor Hirohito announced Japan’s unconditional surrender marking the end of WWII.

After the war, John was buried in an unmarked grave at Labuan War Cemetery until author and military historian Lynette Silver identified him. Now his grave bears his name while his brother’s body has never been found.

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