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Sarawak - Page 15

Looking back at a punitive expedition to upper Batang Lupar in 1875

Headhunting was rampant in 19th century Sarawak. In an effort to control the death toll brought on by headhunting, the-then Brooke government sent out punitive expeditions to suppress this activity.

Here is an account of a punitive expedition that took place at upper Batang Lupar in 1875. It was written by an unnamed writer and published in the Sarawak Gazette on Nov 3, 1875.

Batu Nabau Engkilili
A bridge over Batang Lupar river.

The Sarawak Government, finding peaceable negotiation of no avail with the upper Batang Lupar tribes – who have for the last four years made frequent raids on the Lemanak and Skrang people, causing these rivers to be nearly depopulated- organised a force to attack the upper country, which left Simanggang on the 6th, and arrived at Delok on the 11th, after experiencing hard work, ascending the river and passing the rapids, where it had been expected the enemy would make some opposition, but the way was found clear so far.

The Delok stream is on the left bank, and after ascending three reaches, the river was found to be so small and shallow, that a halt was called and an encampment made at a sharp point.

The force then set to work at clearing the ground for a considerable distance to avoid any hidden surprise.

After throwing up a strong fence which served as a stockade, a council of war was held, in which future arrangements were made for a land force to march against the enemy who were living at the head of the stream and on some of the hills that were within sight of the encampment.

The land force started on the morning of the 13th a pathway having been constructed by a strong party the day before, leading into the Dyak main road.

The country is a succession of steep hills, varying from 400 to 700 feet in height; and the paths leading to them are often so steep; that it is necessary for hands to be used in both the ascent and descent in addition to carrying rifle, forty rounds of ammunition and four days’ provisions – or in the case of Dayaks, a shield, three spears and food – makes the journey no easy matter.

The guides expected the force to come into collision with the enemy, between 9 and 10am the same morning, which some of the leaders did, having been led into ambush by the tactics of the enemy, against which they were specially cautioned.

The ambush tactic during the expedition to Upper Batang Lupar

The mode of ambush with Dayaks is as follows: a few active fellows are sent on, who appear before the leaders of the advancing force, then turn round as if surprised and run for their lives, throwing spears and shields away. This was too much for the young aspirants to glory in the Sarawak force who are not so much used to war as those experienced headhunters.

They broke away and pursued the fugitives until they had separated themselves from the main body; and after passing a ridge the enemy came on them in force; and killed 19 in the course of a few minutes, fighting hand to hand.

The enemy, when the main force came up, retreated, and it was found they had left five dead bodies among the slain.

Meanwhile, the houses of the enemy were mostly deserted and although they were strongly situated, there were not defended and were mostly burnt by themselves on the approach of the force, which early in the afternoon were in the heart of the inhabited country and during four days laid the place waste.

The women and children fortunately had been removed to a distance, and judging by the tracks, they had gone in the direction of Batu Bangkai, which is in the Dutch territory.

Large bodies of the enemy were seen on hills in the distance, and it was reported that all the Dayak of Lanjak and the Seriang had collected to assist their relations in the tribe to oppose the advance of the force.

The Dayaks of the force finding the houses contained little property, or were burnt, now spread in small parties to search, and it was not long before they came on goods and chattels of every Dayak description, either buried or secreted in their farming lands, as well as their paddy, these were all taken or destroyed, and thirsty houses, averaging about ten families in each were burnt in the Delok.

The battle continues

Schwaner Een dayaksche Dorp Benting
A Dayak Longhouse, known as Rumah Betang in Indonesia or Rumah Panjang in Malaysia, the traditional dwelling of many Dayak Tribes. Original watercolour painting by Carl Schwaner, 1853. Credits: Public Domain.

On the 15th, while a force of Dayaks were advancing to attack a village some distance off, under the chieftainship of a notorious enemy named Jumput, the leaders were surprised by a party of the enemy, and after a hand to hand encounter the Sarawak force lost 11 lives; the enemy suffered severely, but their loss was not known.

On the following day, the force was strengthened under the leadership of Minggat of Kalaka, who marched against the enemy and burnt down all the houses in the vicinity, the enemy did not make any opposition.

A good deal of plunder was brought in from Jumput’s country. A force was also sent from the main camp in Delok to the Menyang stream. And there, three houses and their property were destroyed.

This completed the work of the expedition which had encamped for nine days, had destroyed about 40 houses, and rendered the enemy houseless and foodless. The effect of the expedition remains to be seen. The only danger is that the Dayaks on the Dutch side will assist these rebels sufficiently to cause them to rise again to give trouble on some future day, unless an attack is made on the former also.

The expedition arrived at Simanggang on the 21st. It was under the command of H.H. the Rajah accompanied by Messrs T.S. Chapman and F.R.O Maxwell, and was composed of 300 Malays and 6000 Dayaks- who were raised and has started in boats with twenty days’ provisions, within six days from the time of the command being given. From first to last it has taken less than a month to complete the whole affair.

Where were these battles took place in upper Batang Lupar

The Delok River was where the government’s forces built their camp in 1875. Today, the river is part of Batang Ai National Park and Rimba Sarawak (Research for intensified Management of Bio-Rich Areas of Sarawak).

Meanwhile, Lanjak is a small town in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Most of the Iban communities there migrated from Sarawak during the 19th century.

Seriang in the article refers to a river which is also located in West Kalimantan. As for the Menyang, the river was on the news for its orangutan population.

These places where heads were once hunted and villages were burnt are not only historically colourful but ecologically rich as well.

Batang Ai
Batang Ai lake today.

5 things you should know about the old customs of Iban divorce

Many of Sarawakians’ old customs are no longer practiced mainly because they have been replaced with a more uniform judiciary laws.

Some proceedings in the olden days did not rely on justice or what is best for all parties. Sometimes, the old generations relied on omens and dreams to decide including divorce.

Here are 5 things you should know about the old customs of Iban divorce as recorded by Reverend William Howell in The Sarawak Gazette on Mar 16, 1909:

1.There were two kinds of Iban divorce.

In those days, there were two types of Iban divorce. According to Howell, a temporary divorce was effected through an ill omen or a bad dream. Meanwhile, a permanent divorce was brought about by incompatibility of temper, inhospitableness, ill-temper and adultery.

The Ibans called temporary divorce “belega'” or “beluit”. The marriage could be renewed again after a short interval.

As for a permanent divorce, it could be effected before it was brought in front of the chiefs and elders.

Howell stated, “The guilty part is amerced. The innocent party takes the fine and divides it with the chiefs or elders and friends who witness the settlement of the case.

If the husband is the guilty party he pays a fine not only to the woman but towards the upkeep of the children also if he has any. The woman’s fine is called “pekain” and the upkeep of the children is called “pelanja”. The man’s fine is called “pesirat”.

2.How the fine is imposed

The fine was imposed according to the offence. If both parties would not agreed to the settlements of the chiefs or elders or even if one of them disagreed, the case would be settled by a diving contest.

By doing so, not only the fine is settle but also the bet on who would win the contest.

In this case, the losing party would have to meet not only the loss by the shame also.

“A ring or a bracelet given by the party that brings about the divorce, if it is received by the other party, is an ample sign of divorce. Before a person can consider himself properly divorced according to the Dayak point of view such person takes away all his or her belongings from the room where they lived together,” Howell stated.

3.A temporary divorce could be brought to a permanent one.

If the temporary divorce was brought to a permanent divorce, there would be no fine.

Interestingly, the news or occurrence of death in the area of the newly married couple may result in a permanent or temporary divorce.

For an unknown reason, it was generally more taboo if a death occurred upriver.

4.Superstitions which lead to divorce.

Howell pointed out that the Iban superstition seemed to be an advantage to them in creating a plea or to exculpate them from punishment.

“If a man says he has had a very bad dream or an ill omen, with that plea he is justified putting away his wife. In view of such religion or superstition or a great many of them have simply invented a story and have had a divorces with impunity. The same thing has been also practiced by women,” he stated.

5.The children matters in an Iban’s divorce.

The binding nature of an Iban marriage seems to depend on the children. Howell gave an example of how the children influence their parents’ divorce proceeding:

The wife of a certain man had already misconducted herself three times but her husband forgave her. The fourth time she did so with a relation and her husband swore by the gods of his ancestors that he would put her away. The case was brought before the court of justice, the man divorced his wife and the wife was fined but the children all agreed and said to their father that unless he lived again with their mother they would have nothing to do with him. The father gave in and took his wife back and paid her fine for her.

family 3090056 1280 1

Early records of inoculation and smallpox vaccination in Sarawak

If you are not familiar with inoculation or variolation (deliberately introducing the pathogen into an uninfected person), it is the method first used to immunize an individual against smallpox with material taken from a patient or a recently variolated individual, in the hopes that a mild, but protective infection would result.

The procedure was most commonly carried out by rubbing powdered smallpox scabs of fluid pustules (an inflamed blister containing pus) into superficial scratches made on the skin.

Then the patient would develop pustules identical to those caused by naturally occurring smallpox. This would lead them to develop a less severe disease than naturally acquired smallpox.

Slowly after two to four weeks, these symptoms would slow down indicating successful recovery and immunity.

According to historian Loh Chee Yin, vaccination against smallpox was introduced into Sarawak in the 1960s. However, inoculation was already practiced in the 1850s.

Drawing accompanying text in Book XII of the 16th-century Florentine Codex (compiled 1555–1576), showing Nahuas of conquest-era central Mexico with smallpox. Credit: Creative Common

Early records of smallpox inoculation in Sarawak

One of the early records of inoculation in Sarawak was recorded by Brooke Hugh Low in 1876. At that time, he was holding the post of Assistant Resident of Sibu. When he was travelling up the Baram river which was still under Brunei territory (Baram was ceded to Sarawak in June 1882).

He recorded about a smallpox epidemic which decimated the Kayan population in the area.

“I next proceeded up the Baram as far as Long Lusan, where Oyong Ngau now lives. He abandoned Batu Gadin on account of the smallpox which carried of 200 persons in his own house; 1,333 Kayans are estimated to have fallen victims to this epidemic, and 3000 Kenyahs. Although I did not ascend the river above this point I met several of the upriver chiefs, both Kayans and Kenyahs, and among the latter, Paran Libut’s brother, Tama Peng Wang, who assured me that his tribe had been decimated and that the Upper Baram, which before was populous, is now a mere waste. Houses which a year ago could boast of 100 fighting men can now scarcely muster 10. Fortunately for the Kayans there was a Selimbu Malay, one Haji Unus, at Batu Gadin who understood inoculation and inoculated some 3,600 persons of both sexes, and though many died, many also were saved.”

A record of Ibans practicing inoculation

Bishop Walter Chambers once wrote in 1857 about how inoculation saved a community of Ibans in Lingga.

“The smallpox attacked six months ago (1856) the people up the main river, the Batang Lupar. In some of the Dyak houses it made frightful ravages, chiefly through the panic fear into which it threw the occupants, who in some cases, fled into the jungles, abandoning their sick friends and carrying the infection in their own bodies. It is said there are longhouses, whose occupants having thus rushed away, not one of them has since made his appearance.

The Dyaks regard the smallpox as an evil spirit, with the notion which induced our English peasantry to use the same caution to fairies- they never venture to name the smallpox, but designate it politely by the titles Rajah and Buah-kagu. I heard an old woman yesterday, telling how that, during the time she was nursing her grandson, she was continually begging, ‘Rajah have compassion on him, and on me, and spare his life- my only child.’

In the neighbourhood of Sakarran, the Malays inoculated with success both their own people and the Dyaks. By inoculation the disease was gradually drawing near to Lingga.

I wished the Dyaks not to inoculate until the appearance of the disease in the country, but they had an idea that the ‘Rajah’ was more mild to those who thus made submission to him. Out of hundreds who have been inoculated, only three have died under the operations.”

The Kayans’ knowledge of smallpox

Loh believed that the Kayans in those days were aware of the infectious nature of smallpox long before the introduction of inoculation and vaccination. They knew that immunity could be secured by complete isolation from affected villages.

He cited an example from Charles Hose’s The Pagan Tribes of Borneo (1912). This is what Hose wrote:

“With this object the people of tributary stream will fell trees across its mouth or lower reaches so as to block it completely to the passage of boats, or a less drastic measure, will stretch a rope of rattan from a bank as a sign that no one may enter. Such a sign is generally respected by the inhabitants of other parts of the river basin. They are aware also of the risk of infection that attends the handling of a corpse of one who has died of epidemic disease, and they attempt to minimise it by throwing a rope aorund it and dragging it to the graveyard, and there burying it in a shallow grave in the earth, without touching it with the hands.”

As for the Ibans, it was a normal practice for the unaffected members of a longhouse to run away into the jungle to avoid smallpox infection.

Here is an example of how the Ibans who refused to be inoculated reacted to the epidemic according to Spenser St. John:

“When the smallpox was committing sad havoc among those Sea Dyak villagers who would not allow themselves to be inoculated, they ran into the jungle in every direction, caring for no one but themselves, leaving the house empty, and dwelling far away in the most silent spots, in parties of two and three, and sheltered only by a few leaves. When these calamities come upon them, they utterly lose all command over themselves, and become as almost timid children. Those seized with the complaint are abandoned; all they do is to take care that a bundle of firewood, a cooking pot, and some rice, are placed within their reach. On account of this practice, few recover, as in the delirium they roll on the ground and die.

When the fugitives become short of provisions, a few of the old men who have already had the complaint creep back to the houses at night and take a supply of rice. In the daytime, they do not dare to stir or to speak above a whisper for fear the spirits should see or hear them. They do not call the smallpox by its name, but are in the habit of saying, “Has he yet left you? At other times, they call it jungle leaves or fruits; and at other places the datu or the chief. Those tribes who inoculate suffer very little.”

Other records of inoculations and vaccination in Sarawak

In those days when a smallpox epidemic attacked Sarawak, the news was usually reported in the Sarawak Gazette.

In 1868 for example, Sibu had a mild attack of smallpox. The gazette reported as the people failed to receive vaccine from Kuching, they were inoculating themselves.

On Apr 29, 1874, the gazette reported a smallpox epidemic was raging along the Batang Lupar and Rajang rivers.

The then principal medical officer-in-charge Dr. E. P. Houghton investigated the epidemic in person and found the disease to be measles and chickenpox.

Dr Houghton wrote in his report, “I vaccinated some children at Simanggang, which was successful and left a public vaccinator there to carry on the vaccination. I also started vaccination at Sibu in Rajang which was successful, and left two public vaccinators to vaccinate the people.”

Two years later in June 1876, Dr Houghton wrote this in the Sarawak Gazette; “Smallpox occasionally visits us but only in a sporadic form, and since vaccination has been so successfully carried on, there is every reason to hope this scourge will eventually be stamped out.”

Looking back at Sarawak history, smallpox epidemica appeared periodically affecting selected communities in the state.

These epidemics not only affected the Sarawak populations back in those days, it also caused the early migration of Sarawakians leading them to move from one place to another to flee from the disease.

If you’re freaking out about smallpox on top of your fears of the Covid-19 outbreak, don’t worry; smallpox was eradicated globally in 1980.

Cultural similarities between Naga people of India and Myanmar regions, and the people of Borneo

The Naga people are tribes who live in northeastern India and northwestern Myanmar. They make the majority of the population in the Indian state of Nagaland and Naga Self-Administered zone of Myanmar.

The Naga people are known for their strong warrior tradition. In the olden days, the Naga people practiced headhunting, as they took the heads of their enemies in the belief that they would also take their power.

Meanwhile, thousands of miles from India and Myanmar, the indigenous people of Borneo also had a culture of headhunting. But what do these two indigenous groups share besides cutting off the heads of their enemies?

Former Sarawak Museum curator Edward Banks explored this question in a paper published in The Sarawak Museum Journal in August 1983.

According to Banks, there were many other things the Naga and Borneo peoples did the same way because they lived under the same conditions, not because they are related.

Naga People
The Naga people made an appearance during Rainforest World Music Festival in 2019 at Sarawak Cultural Village.

Here are some of the comparisons between the Naga people and the ethnic groups in Borneo according to Banks:

1.Clothing

The Naga people, like the tribes in Borneo, wore loin cloth in the olden days. In Assam, they called it lengta.

Naga People 2

2.Slash and burn method of farming

“Both sides plant rice by first cutting down the jungle, burning it off and then planting hill rice in the clearings,” Banks wrote.

To celebrate bountiful harvest, both cultures also have festivals at the end of harvest season.

3.Rice Wine

Most societies that rely on rice as a staple food tend to use its surplus to brew rice wine.

Here in Sarawak, we are known for our tuak and burak. The Naga people also have their own version of rice wine.

Banks stated, “The brews seem to be very much the same, boiled rice fermented with the dust from the winnowing of the husked rice. The taste seems to be much the same and so does the result, not very intoxicating at the time you merely feel rather ill the next day.”

4. Knife and sword

Naga knives, known as “dao”, were made so that the hilt angled upwards from the blade to prevent the back of the hand being skinned against the tree trunk or log which was being cut.

The “dao” mostly resembles the Bidayuh people’s war sword called pandat as well as the parang latok or latok from Kalimantan.

5. How a woman was buried

Banks in his paper pointed out, “One of the oddest things common to Kayans and to Nagas was the hanging up of the departed lady’s sun hat beneath her tomb. I do not know anyone else does this and it is an extraordinary custom to crop up thousands of miles apart.”

6.Bachelor’s house or head house

A baruk (also known as pangah/baluh/balu/pangarah) is an important architectural feature in a traditional Bidayuh village.

It works as a meeting hall, shelter and where they used to keep the heads of their enemies.

Similarly, the Naga people have a bachelor’s house where they had meeting, welcomed strangers and kept the heads.

In the olden days, women were not allowed to enter this house.

7.Jar burials

Jar burials were common in many cultures throughout Southeast Asia. However, the manner of how a jar burial was conducted might differ.

According to Banks, the Kelabits used to cut a ridge in the jungle, dig a trench, put in the jar containing the bones of the deceased and erect an upright stone pillar with a large flat stone at its base.

“These menhirs are just the same as those used by some of the Nagas, the likeness is astonishing,” he stated.

8.The naming of a son

Banks also claimed there was a similarity in the ceremony for naming a son between the Naga people and the Kayans.

He stated, “A 100 foot jointed bamboo pole was placed in the ground and supported by a forked stick about one third of the way up so that the rest of the pole bent over in a graceful arc with the tip almost touching the ground. The pole was covered with bamboo leaves, gourds and flat pieces of bamboo were tied on near the tip and the whole thing clapped away merrily when the wind blew. You can see a picture of one in Hose’s book. In pre-war days, there were lots of these lovely things up and down the banks of the Baram river.”

Early nagas
Black and white photographs taken by R.G. Woodthorpe, c.1873-1875 Tangkhul Nagas photographs Tangkhul Woodthorpe/ R.G.(1873-1875). Pitt Rivers Museum Archive, Oxford AL.62.1.4 Credit: Public Domain.

Mandi Rumah, an old Iban housewarming ceremony

Iban Batang Lupar Kalimantan Barat 3
An example of an Iban Longhouse. Dusun Kedungkang, an Iban longhouse located near Danau Sentarum, West Kalimantan.

Different cultures have different housewarming traditions as people embark on the next step of their lives, which is settling into their new homes.

While housewarming rituals can encompass religious blessings, other cultural traditions may include symbolic gestures like lighting a candle on the first night, or painting the front porch roof blue or ringing a bell around the house to create positive spaces.

For the Iban people of Sarawak in the olden days, their specific ceremony when they started to move into a new home was called mandi rumah.

One of the few testimonies of mandi rumah from back then was written by Reverend William Howell, who submitted an essay about the ceremony to Sarawak Gazette which was published on March 1, 1909.

Here is what Reverend Howell wrote about the Iban ceremony, mandi rumah:

When a new house has been taken possession of by its future occupants, there are few ceremonies that must be gone through in order to make it habitable, such as the rite of making it lawful for the house to receive food for its inhabitants.

But the rite of mandi rumah (house washing) may be deferred although the house must be under certain restrictions until it has been performed.

Mandi rumah literally translated is “to bathe the house”. Yet the term is more common than the more exact phrase masu rumah ‘to wash the house’.

Muai rumah (to abolish the house) is also used as the name of this feast, having reference to the abolishing of restrictions by its observance.

It is hard to say what was the original significance of this observance, for nothing but the name implies anything about washing, the ceremony as now performed having nothing to suggest it. Perhaps, however, there is a hint of the original idea remaining in the restriction that prevents anyone polluting the water of the bathing and watering place, by fishing with the aid of tuba (poisonous root) which is thrown into the water to stupefy the fish or kill them, before the masu rumah.

Again, if, as the name implies, a cleansing of the house is meant it is difficult to divine its purpose. The washing of an old house might signify the purging of some stain of guilt attaching to it or its inmates, but in the case of a new house it seems to imply a sort of consecration to good purposes, and the formal renunciation of all that is accounted by Dayak custom immoral.

The restrictions before mandi rumah

Iban ceremonies typically have a period of “fasting” before the actual event, where certain daily activities which could affect the outcome of said ceremony will be put on hold.

In the case of mandi rumah, that means that alot of the activities typically held in the longhouse veranda are prohibited. These include settlements of disputes; fines, if imposed may not be paid; wearing and the making of blankets from bark (tekalong) are also prohibited until the housewarming ceremony is held.

Anybody caught breaking these rules will have to pay a fine, which usually takes the form of sacrifice. It is believed that paying this penalty will prevent any misfortune from falling upon the residents of the longhouse as a result of their misstep.

Preparing for mandi rumah

The mandi rumah feast itself is generally held after a good harvest. According to Howell, preparation for the feast typically takes two to three months.

When the event, or “promise of three days” nears, invitations are sent out, and fighting cocks are prepared for the festivities.

Much like Gawai Dayak today, mandi rumah also takes place over the course of three days. Unlike Gawai Dayak, however, the main event – which is the feasting – is on the third day.

The first day is devoted to making the ladder for the house which will be used in a ritual called beban tangga. The second day to preparing cooking of piring i.e. offerings that are to be made to the gods at the feast.

Three rites properly belong to the feast; namely beban tangga, mangkong tiang (striking the post) and ngiga igi engkuni (seeking the seed of the engkuni tree) which is used as a charm.

The feast of mandi rumah

When all the guests, who include all the men of importance arrive, they are received with great ceremony and a pig is sacrificed for them, or a libation made of their tuak, or homemade drink.

This is by way of an offering to their patron saints or gods.

The opening ceremony is miring ka tangga (the offering of the ladder). As soon as the new ladder is placed in position, Pulang Gana and other gods are honoured with an offering, which is hung underneath the ladder, and the sacrifice of a pig.

Howell says a chanter (typically an old man) then recites as follows:

“But thou art the heart of iron wood,
Come up, and bring with them brassware,
As gongs, tetawak and bebendai,
Let their merchandise be cheap, etc.”

Mangkong tiang

The second ceremony is mangkong tiang. The same chanter enters the room of the tuai rumah, or head of the longhouse first, to perform this rite.

Another offering is prepared in the room, and is placed on the shelf of the kitchen for Pulang Gana, the god of the earth.

The old chanter then strikes a post of the house with a bamboo containing pulut while reciting this incantation:

“Thou art not a common bamboo,
Thou at the heart of iron wood,
Be thou a supporter to fill the paddy bin,
And cause the Malays, the Chinese, the Europeans,
To come and buy paddy, and help us, O Pulang Gana.”

The chanter must repeat the ceremony in every room. According to Howell, it can take a better part of the day, and the old man might feel very drowsy or fatigued by the whole thing.

Ngiga igi engkuni

Iban Batang Lupar Kalimantan Barat 9
The ruai of Dusun Kedungkang, an Iban longhouse of Batang Lupar district, West Kalimantan.

In the ruai or reception room of the house, the professional reciters are deeply engaged with their incantation called “pengap” to look for igi engkuni.

It is a long recitation and it is done at the top of their voices to implore the father of Nendak to descend from above and give them the igi engkuni.

Apai or the father of Nendak, is believed to come down and put the igi engkuni in the engkuni post from where the longhouse people will pick it up.

The incantation begins in the afternoon and will continue until daylight the next day.

The feast itself lasts a day and a night and the house or village is generally quite full.

At the approach of daylight, the longhouse is a hive of activity again as Apai Nendak, Pulang Gana and the rest of the gods are believed to have arrived at the feast.

Offerings are made to them and musical instruments are struck louder and with more liveliness and energy.

“Shouting and laughter, the crowing of cocks and dogs fighting all about the place are enough to drive anyone mad. Such is this religious feast of the Dayaks.”

Have you witnessed this ceremony of mandi rumah in your own longhouse? Let us know in the comment box.

How were executions carried out during Brooke’s time in Sarawak?

Execution of criminals has been used by almost all societies in the world.

If you’ve watched Braveheart you’ll know that there were many painful and cruel methods of carrying out an execution throughout history. One example is keel hauling. This form of execution was carried out on sailors at sea and was usually a torture technique used by pirates as early as 700BC.

They would tie the condemned to a rope line looped beneath the vessel, thrown overboard on one side of the ship. Then they would dragged the poor man under the ship’s keel, either from one side of the ship to the other or the length of the ship from bow to stern.

The persecuted man would die either from drowning or head trauma from colliding against the ship, especially if the vessel was moving.

Death by Malay dagger, the keris

When Sarawak came under the first Rajah, James Brooke in 1841, executions were carried out using a Malay dagger called keris. He also elected a man named Subu as the Public Executioner.

The first Ranee of Sarawak, Margaret Brooke described how executions were first carried out in her book My Life in Sarawak.

“A kris is a curious-looking dagger, straight and flat, the blade double-edged, eighteen inches long, with a sharp point. It is inserted in the cavity of the condemned man’s right shoulder, and thrust diagonally across the body through the heart, causing instantaneous death. “Do they never tremble?” I would ask Subu. “No,” he said, “they do not tremble. They smoke cigarettes while their grave is being dug, and sometimes they eat betel nut and sirih. Then, when I tell them, they sit on the brink of their grave as though they were sitting on the edge of their bed, prepared to take their afternoon sleep. We always parted good friends,” said Subu, “and very often we talked all the way to the place of execution.”

The condemned men never quite knew when their last moment had come, for they sat placidly smoking until Subu approached from behind them, and with one blow of the kris sent them into eternity. “You white people fret too much about trifles, and that makes you frightened of death,” Subu would say. “We take it just as it comes, and consider that Allah has chosen the best moment to end our lives. Many such murderers have I sent to their peace,” he often said to me.

W.J. Chater wrote in the Sarawak Gazette on May 31, 1964 that executions by Subu used to be carried out near the Batu Kinyang rock at the second mile of Rock Road, Kuching.

At that time, the area was still considered to be deep in the jungle.

Execution by shooting

Subu held the post as Sarawak Public Executioner from 1841 until his death in 1873. Then his son Tomah took over the post until 1889. This was the year execution by shooting was first introduced.

Charles Brooke, the second Rajah wrote a letter on Aug 12 that year to Major Irvin Day, the Commandant of Sarawak Rangers, ordering an execution of six prisoners.

Here is the content of the letter:

“I hereby direct that you will take command of a guard of twenty Rangers and proceed at half past six o’clock tomorrow morning to receive at the prison entrance the six prisoners to be shot. Then take them on board the “Young Harry” and proceed to the execution ground, accompanied by Dr Rolph and a guide which Mr Daubeny can furnish.

You will then have these six men shot as mercifully as lays in your power and buried on the spot, and return.”

These six men became the first prisoners to be executed by shooting in Sarawak.

According to Chater, the prison referred in Charles’ letter was at the Pangkalan Batu Police Post.

It was built as a prison in 1879, the same year as Fort Margherita and contained the prisoners’ cells on the ground flood and the Police Officer’s quarters above. Back then, C. W. Daubeny held the post of Inspector of Police and Prison. As for the execution ground, it was located on the riverside somewhere near Santubong.

“Young Harry” was a vessel named after Charles’ youngest son, Harry Keppel Brooke. He was born in 1879 and given the title of Tuan Bunsu or the Youngest Lord.

The Rajahs’ perceptions on death penalty

Chater reported, “The second and third Rajahs held an intense dislike for executions. The third Rajah in particular was definitely against capital punishments; and whenever there was a death penalty to be signed he would usually be conveniently away in an outstation and the senior government officer in Kuching would have to do the signing.”

For this reason, the third Rajah Vyner Brooke was reportedly extremely merciful about the way executions were carried out.

The condemned was always given an injection. In the days when executions were carried out downriver, there was always a bottle of brandy in the boat for the prisoner.

“I have heard it said that sometimes by the time the party reached the execution ground the condemned man was feeling fine and would help to beach the boat before standing up to be shot,” Chater wrote.

Execution by hanging

When Sarawak became a British colony, hanging was introduced for the first time in Sarawak.

As for the keris that was once used by Subu, it had been handed to the Sarawak Museum by Bertram Brooke (Vyner’s brother) in the 1960s with the tip broken. The second White Rajah broke the tip off to prevent it being used again.

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Execution by hanging was only introduced when Sarawak became part of British colony.

What you need to know about the first Sarawak Chamber of Commerce

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This is part of Sarawak that no longer exists, which is the first Sarawak Chamber of Commerce:

After 30 years of Brooke rule in Sarawak, the end of 1871 saw how vastly the import and export trade of the country had increased.

The previous 10 years showcased a steady rise of $100,000 a year until it reached $1,680,000.

Trivia: Did you know the Sarawak Dollar (1858-1953), symbolised by $, was on par with the Straits Dollar? It was used by the Straits Settlements which included a number of territories including Singapore.

In October 1872, the second Rajah of Sarawak proposed to the Supreme Council to have a Mercantile Committee to deal with the increase in trade.

The committee consisted of leading merchants who worked as a consultative body. They met once a quarter year (once every four months) to discuss commercial affairs.

Additionally, they discussed if there were any reforms, improvements or suggestions for the government.

From Mercantile Committee to Sarawak Chamber of Commerce

In February 1873, the Rajah had already completed his plans and drawn up rules to set up the organisation. He eventually called it the Sarawak Chamber of Commerce.

Back in those days, the chamber was made up of European, Chinese, Indian and Malay merchants.

How did these merchants earn their wealth? They mostly owned large vessels that enabled them to trade in Brunei, Labuan, Sabah and even the Philippines.

The Dayaks at that time had not yet earned enough to enable them to join as a member.

In order to join, one had to have land, house or other property amounting up to $2000. If it was a company, the entity must be worth at least $10,000.

According to historian W.J. Chater, the chamber had several functions. “The objects of the Chamber, then laid down by the Rajah, were to facilitate all operations of trade, monetary transactions, traffic, freights, suggesting town and thoroughfare improvements from a commercial point of view; also in settling weights and measures and in giving opinions in matters relating to the Creditors and Debtors’ Court.”

The discussions took place in Malay but the records were kept in English.

The first meeting of Sarawak Chamber of Commerce

Sarawak Chamber of Commerce’s very first meeting was held on May 1, 1873 in a meeting room in the Government Offices.

The first major issue that the Chamber had to deal with was the fact that there were no vessels other than Government steamers to carry freights between Sarawak and Singapore.

Therefore, the Rajah urged members of the Chamber to persuade the leading businessmen to form a shipping company.

In order to avoid unfair competition, he even offered to sell the government steamer, Royalist.

Subsequently, the Singapore and Sarawak Steamship Co. was formed in July 1975. The company then changed its name to Sarawak Steamship Co., Limited. It first operated using the Royalist and a new steamer was built in England called the Rajah Brooke.

Chater stated, “Although the Chamber was expected to meet once a quarter, this was at first unnecessary and for some years they met only once in six months, when their main duty was to decide the value to be placed on rattans; apparently a very valuable item of export in those days.”

Later, the Chamber decided the value and export duty to be levied on other important exports of the time such as sago, gambier, birds’ nests and pepper.

Overall, there were little records of activities of Sarawak Chamber of Commerce.

The end of Sarawak Chamber of Commerce

According to Chater, the Sarawak Chamber of Commerce was shut down in January 1900 without any given reason.

Eventually, most of the chamber’s duties were taken over Kuching Municipal Office in 1906 as well as Chinese Chamber of Commerce a few years later.

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Chinese History Museum now which was used to be Chinese Chamber of Commerce.

How Raja Simpulang Gana became the Iban God of Agriculture

Who said only the Greek or Germanic peoples had interesting mythology? Here in Sarawak, we too have plenty of intriguing stories of deities and gods.

Before we know how Raja Simpulang Gana became the God of Agriculture for the Iban community, here is a little background story of his family:

In ancient times, the Iban believed that the gods and spirit-heroes lived in the same world with human beings.

Due to some disagreements, the gods separated from the early ancestors of man and each came to inhabit the different worlds in which they are now found.

According to legend, there once lived a very powerful deity named Raja Durong. His bejulok (nickname) was ‘Lumpong Tibang Bebaring’. He married Endu Dara Talun Pelangka who was also called ‘Kuta Dinding Hari’.

They gave birth to Raja Jembu who was also known as Metha Raja Pengibai. Raja Jembu married to Endu Kumang Baku Pelimbang, the keeper of a charm which can bring food and wealth.

Raja Jembu and his wife gave birth to seven children:

1.Bidok Linggar, who swoops at the bubbling waves was also known as Aki Jugi Menaul Tuntong and Aki Lang Singalang Burong.

2.Matai Tuai Raja Menjaya, whose nickname is Manang Langgong. He owned a charm which could prolong human life.

3.Raja Bikhu Bunsu Petara or Pantan Inan Raja Jadia, the priest of Bunsu Petara, the god of creation.

4.Raja Selampetam, nicknamed Raja Selampatoh, or Raja Selampandai who was the god of blacksmith.

5.Gangga Ganggai or Gangga Ganggong, who was also called Anda Mara. He was the deity of the fountain of wealth.

6.Ini Inda Rabong Menoa, known also as Ini Inee Rabong Hari. She was the inheritor of healing charms and the greatest of the shaman.

7.Last but not least, Rangkang Kirai Raja Sua who was also known as Pepat Pudak Raja Simpulang Gana became the God of Agriculture and owner of the earth.

Singalang Burong dividing the family’s wealth

On one occasion, Raja Simpulang Gana went on a journey to look for the sacred plant called engkenyang lily.

At that time, Singalang Burong divided the family property with his brothers and sister without the consent of their father Raja Jembu.

For himself, Singalang Burong took the most precious charm belonging to his family called igi-mudan. It was used to lead warriors in battle. As a result, he became the most formidable war leader among the deities.

Meanwhile, Raja Menjaya was given a special charm called ubat penyangga nyawa which could cure all kinds of sickness. Due to this, he became the patron god of all manang (shaman).

Raja Bikhu Bunsu Petara was given the power to perform miracles and so became the priest of Bunsu Petara.

As for Raja Selampandai, he was given blacksmith’s tools with which he was commanded to shape earth into the human body. During the Gawai Sakit festival, he was the one to be called to reshape the bodies of those who were sick.

Anda Mara was given a special charm which could bring wealth to men. Those who were looking for riches must make offerings to Anda Mara.

A box full of healing charms and medicines was given to Ini Inee Rabong Hari. Back in the ancient times, she alone could consecrate others to become a manang.

Raja Simpulang Gana, the God of Agriculture

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Since Raja Simpulang Gana was not there when Singalang Burong divided their property, he was only given the family’s hearth.

When he returned home, he was furious to find out what had happened.

To console him, his father Raja Jembu made him the God of Agriculture and owner of the earth.

“If any of your brothers, your sister, or their descendants, want to work the land in the future,” said his father, “they must seek your approval beforehand.”

Due to this, whenever men want to farm a piece of land, they first must offerings to Raja Simpulang Gana to gain his approval.

Benedict Sandin recorded this legend as part of paper Mythological origins of Iban Shamanism. The paper was published in The Sarawak Museum Journal in August 1983.

How did the name of Sarawak’s capital get changed to Kuching?

In the olden days, Sarawak’s capital was also known as ‘Sarawak’.

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Kuching view. Credits: Pixabay.
Why did the second White Rajah, Charles Brooke decide to change Sarawak’s capital name to Kuching on Aug 12, 1872?

Abang Othman Datu Haji Moasili wrote in The Sarawak Gazette on Aug 31, 1964 that explained the reason behind it.

“The story, according to the old Malays and as related to me by my father, the late Datu Hakim, goes that the second Rajah who spent most of his time as Tuan Muda and later as Rajah Muda and Rajah among the Sea Dayaks in the Second Division used continually to be asked, as is the Iban custom not what town he came from but which river he came from?” he wrote.

Abang Othman described a small rivulet called the Sungei Sarawak located about 16 miles above Kuching from which the capital originally derived its name.

He continued, “But much closer to his residence, the Astana and only a short distance down the river, near the present Chinese General Chamber of Commerce, there used to be another rivulet, the Sungei Kuching, until it was filled in, in 1928.”

This rivulet was the river nearest to the Astana. Plus, it was well known to the Ibans, as they used to put up there for shelter during the night on their visits to the capital.

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The Chinese General Chamber of Commerce is now the Chinese History Museum.

Kuching river

Hence, when people used to ask the Rajah where he came from he would say “Kuching river”.

Over time, the word ‘river’ was dropped and he was known among the Dayaks as “coming from Kuching”.

As the territory of Sarawak expanded, it caused some confusion to call the country and the capital by the same name. This led to the necessity for a distinction to be made between them.

Abang Othman stated, “At first, the difficulty was overcome by calling the capital ‘Sarawak Proper’. But as it had now become known to the Sea Dayaks, who formed the largest number of the population as Kuching, the Rajah decided officially to change the name from Sarawak to Kuching.”

Read more:

How Sarawak, Land of Hornbills, got its name?

Tungu Rubi, a Bidayuh reconciliation ceremony

Tungu Rubi is a traditional ceremony organised to reconcile two parties who are in dispute.

Here is an example of how a Tungu Rubi took place in 1953 at Kampung Tapuh in Serian as recorded by R. Nyandoh:

The story went that some women of Tapuh village considered they had been insulted by a group of men.

Hence, the village planned a meeting where the elders would decide whether the men – Ayih, Raseh, Laha, Lunge, Janggi, Kayei and Kihing (aged from 24 to 33) – were guilty, and instructed them to prepare the food fines.

They made a bench to support two large plates of salted pig and fish.

They also hung meat and fish at the side of the bench and carried it to the longhouse veranda. As they carried the bench, the children accompanied them while beating the drums.

Seven elders from Tapuh village and other nearby villages watched while these food fines were hung on a long pole.

R.Nyandoh wrote, “These foods were arranged in order; one whole salted Sirungos fish, salted wild pig with skin and fat intact, more salted pork, one whole salted Semah fish, two complete wild pig skins, another salted Semah fish, some slices of wild boar, and two whole salted Bantah fish.

“The village elders, representing the accused men, discussed the case and decided the case and decided they should first feign ignorance of the whole affair. But if the case went overwhelmingly against the men, they would agree to punishment by fine.”

Preparing for Tungu Rubi on the the women’s side

Meanwhile, the women, whose names were Kujin, Lain, Luwai, Rantai, Jai, Kuna and Bareng, were also preparing their fines for the Tungu Rubi.

They arranged 18 sticks of pankang (glutinous rice) in three bundles with two more sticks supported on top.

A 5-foot long twist of tobacco was draped over this arrangement. In between the men and women, there were plates of cooked eggs and rice, three kettles of tuak, three jars of tuak and a large dish of pangkang pieces. Additionally, there was a big cockerel which the women had killed and dried.

Six priestesses came to represent the women.

The cause of the conflict

So what did the men do that upset the women?

“Ayih hand made an image of female genitals on the local plank bridge. He later made another image and painted it red with lime and betel nut water. The seven men together had rudely suggested that the concrete block at the bathing place had been broken by female genitals. Also that the water had dried up in summer, the women’s genital organs having drunk it,” R. Nyandoh stated.

Despite the insults, the women had not retaliated. However, they still believed the men should be punished according to the traditional law.

The men tried to defend themselves but everyone present believed they were guilty as sin. Hence, the men agreed to accept the punishment.

The Tungu Rubi ceremony proceeded with the salted pig and fish handed to the women and special rites were observed to show that no bad feeling remained.

It’s unfortunate that the writer did not detail on how the special rites were conducted. All we know is that the ceremony continued with the men and women dancing together, passing the food back and forth between them while drums and gongs were beaten. This lasted an hour.

Then, the women distributed the men’s food gifts among themselves. Meanwhile, the accused men settled to eating and drinking.

The merrymaking continued with dancing and singing throughout the night.

After the Tungu Rubi ceremony had ended, a taboo on all work and indulgence (including sex) were imposed for four straight nights.

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Tungu Rubi, a reconciliation ceremony which ends with a merrymaking feast.

Do you know more about Tungu Rubi or have you witnessed it before? Let us know in the comment box.

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